View source for League Against Usury

{{Infobox political party
| colorcode     = 
| name          = League Against Usury
| native_name   = Liga contra Cametei<br />Liga împotriva Cametei
|logo = Earth symbol (fixed width).svg
| president     = Eftimie Antonescu (1929–1932)<br />''Collective leadership'' (1932)
| founder       = 
| foundation    = August 17, 1929
| dissolution   = December 1932
| split         = 
| merged        = [[Agrarian Union Party]]
| successor     = Guard for the Defense of Private Property
| headquarters  = [[Bucharest]]<br />'''1931''': Batiștei Street 17<br />'''1932''': Aleea Alexandru 18<br />'''1932''': Edgar Quinet Street 9
| ideology      = [[Single-issue politics|Single-issue]] ([[Debt relief]])<br />[[Big tent]]<br />[[Agrarianism]]<br />[[Producerism]]<br />[[Economic antisemitism]]<br />[[Fascism]] <small>(minority)</small>
| position      = [[Center-left]] to [[far-right]]
| national      = Front for Urban Debt-clearance (1932)
| newspaper     = ''Jos Camăta''<br />''Desrobirea''
| colours       = 
| slogan        = ''Dobânda este un furt ce nu trebuie plătit''<br />("Interest is theft that we should not cover")
| country       = Romania
}}

The '''League Against Usury''' ({{langx|ro|Liga contra Cametei}}, LCC, or ''Liga împotriva Cametei'', sometimes shortened to ''Liga Cametei'', "Usury League") was a [[Single-issue politics|single-issue]], mainly [[Agrarianism|agrarian]], political party in [[Romania]]. Formed in late 1929 as a political answer to the [[Great Depression in Romania|Great Depression]], it involved itself in the fight against "[[usury]]" (or [[predatory lending]]), bringing together politicians on all sides of the political spectrum. Its prominent backers and activists included leftists such as [[Nicolae L. Lupu]] and [[Ion D. Isac]], independents such as [[Pantelimon Erhan]], [[Stefan Frecôt]], [[Dumitru Pavelescu-Dimo]], [[George Tutoveanu]] and [[Eraclie Sterian]], and some affiliates of the interwar far-right. It also formed a unified cacus with [[Jean Th. Florescu]]'s ''Omul Liber'' faction and with [[Simion Mândrescu]]'s National-Radicals. The LCC channeled protest votes, and seemed to have gained sweeping popular support during the first year of its existence. It competed in this with fascist movements such as the [[Iron Guard]], ambiguously supporting [[economic antisemitism]]—while being generally welcoming of [[Minorities of Romania|ethnic minorities]] other than [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jewish]].

Although perceived as an upsetting contender, the LCC effectively seconded two small agrarian groups, the [[Peasants' Party–Lupu]] and the [[Democratic Peasants' Party–Stere]]. Under their auspices, it managed to obtain one seat in the [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Assembly]] in the [[1931 Romanian general election|election of June 1931]]. It originally formed part of the opposition to the government formed by [[Nicolae Iorga]], and was treated with noted harshness by [[Constantin Argetoianu]] of [[Ministry of Internal Affairs (Romania)|Internal Affairs]]. The authorities viewed it as a front for the illegal [[Romanian Communist Party]]; communists rejected that claim in the 1930s, but some later came to agree with it. One of the LCC arrested for sedition, Aristică Magherescu, left the group to establish his own Ploughmen's Party of Greater Romania, alongside fellow defector Constantin Iarca.

The League's fiscal proposals were slowly embraced by Iorga and Argetoianu, who also drew former LCC cadres into their government team. While other LCC activists left the League to openly embrace fascism, Antonescu was unofficially backed by Iorga in their shared cause against the Iron Guard. Though involved in supporting continued [[debt relief]] policies, the League took no seat in the [[1932 Romanian general election|elections of July 1932]], by which time it had split into three rival wings, respectively led by Antonescu, Isac, and Iarca. All groups found themselves opposed to the more orthodox economic policies advanced by Iorga's replacement, [[Alexandru Vaida-Voevod]], and some engaged in street battles with the [[Romanian Police]]. In late 1932, shortly after attempting to form a larger Front for Urban Debt-clearance, the LCC finally dissolved itself, with the mainstream joining Argetoianu's own [[Agrarian Union Party]]. Other groups still reclaimed the title into the mid 1930s, by which time Antonescu was returning to politics with another protest movement, called Guard for the Defense of Private Property. Magherescu sought to revive the LCC one final time in 1944, before allowing it to be absorbed by the far-leftist [[Ploughmen's Front]].

==History==

===Creation===
The LCC was created by the jurist Eftimie "Nolică" Antonescu with support from various politicians and journalists. Its constitutive congress was held at Antonescu's home in [[Bucharest]] on Saturday, August 17, 1929.<ref name="adev1929">"Liga contra cametei", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', August 18, 1929, p. 2</ref> According to one account, the movement may have had roots that predated the Great Depression: a League of the same name (later LCC chapter) was reportedly formed in 1928 by the [[Gorj County]] landowner Alexandru A. Magherescu.<ref name="p&pp477">''Politics and Political Parties...'', p. 477</ref> Voted in as LCC president, Antonescu had first stirred controversy in 1918, when he acted as a prosecutor selectively investigating wartime abuse.<ref>[[Alexandru Marghiloman]], ''Note politice. Vol. 3. 1917–1918'', pp. 309, 412. Bucharest: Editura Institutului de Arte Grafice Eminescu, 1927</ref> His career in politics saw him crossing the floor: he had been a member of the [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880–1918)|Conservative]] and [[Romanian National Party|National Parties]],<ref>Moldovan, pp. 129, 259, 282</ref> and afterwards defected to the [[National Liberal Party (Romania, 1875)|National Liberal Party]] (PNL). Elected for the [[Senate of Romania|Senate]] seat in Gorj, he had criticized the governing [[National Peasants' Party]] (PNȚ) for its handling of the Depression, and also for its passage of multiple and conflicting laws.<ref>Roșca & Vlad, pp. 77, 80</ref>

By December 10, 1929, when it held its first meeting in [[Bucharest]] and agreed to petition government, the League counted on the allegiances of various other activists—including George D. Creangă, C. Filotti, Constantin C. Iarca, C. Saligny, and Marin Stănoiu.<ref name="moțiunea">"Intrunirea Ligei împotriva cametei. Moțiunea", in ''[[Lupta]]'', December 10, 1929, p. 2</ref> The LCC's generic goal was the fight against "usury", structured into three lesser objectives: phasing out interest rates, canceling [[foreclosure]]s, and auditing the "usurers".<ref name="is155">Ioan Scurtu (ed.), ''Enciclopedia partidelor politice din România, 1859-2003'', p. 155. Bucharest: Editura Meronia, 2003.  {{ISBN|973-8200-54-7}}</ref> In one of it manifestos, the LCC demanded quick [[Economic interventionism|state intervention]] and the reevaluation of interest at 1%;<ref name="Clapa, p. 7">Clapa, p. 7</ref> according to the peasants' own claims, interest rates could climb as high as 40% or even 100% in 1930.<ref>"Où va la Roumanie?", p. 17</ref> That year, Antonescu sent out a public notification to the Romanian Regents, who were looking after [[King of Romania|King]] [[Michael I of Romania|Michael I]]. The text, which later became the LCC's [[Producerism|producerist]] platform, spoke of bankers, civil administrators, and industrialists as "parasites", and called for [[tax cut]]s on the less wealthy.<ref>Roșca & Vlad, p. 80</ref> A peasant militant from [[Dolj County|Dolj]] detailed that agenda and proposed measures against the state apparatus, noting that a functionary could earn as much as 50 agricultural workers.<ref>Pandrea, p. 119</ref>

[[File:Moștenirea guvernului, Dreptatea, 6 Dec 1928.png|thumb|left|280px|Editorial cartoon published in December 1928 by the [[National Peasants' Party]] organ, ''[[Dreptatea]]'': [[Vintilă Brătianu]], former [[Prime Minister of Romania|Prime Minister]] for the [[National Liberal Party (Romania, 1875)|National Liberal Party]], tying to chase away his progeny, a diseased and naked figure marked "Political Financial Economic [Crisis]", who insists on calling him "Father"]]
Historian Armin Heinen explains the economic mechanism leading to the establishment of the LCC as follows: "The [[Land reform in Romania|agrarian reform of 1917–1921]] created a need for currency, which could only be supplied by bank loans. Agriculturists had contracted high-interest loans, either to compensate the former landowner or to furnish their new or extended property with basic supplies, or merely—given the entirely too small plots they were left for production—to ensure their living income. As an effect of the economic crisis, produce prices fell [...]. The peasants could no longer make their payments, and consequently their properties were put up for sale."<ref>Heinen, p. 442</ref> These issues were aggravated by Western [[protectionism]], which prevented exports, and by Soviet [[predatory pricing]], which reduced [[demand]].<ref>"Où va la Roumanie?", pp. 16–17</ref> As early as 1924, Stănoiu, who owned property in [[Craiova]], was accusing the PNL government of deliberately destroying [[purchasing power]] and fostering [[Monetary policy|monetary instability]], both of which ensured that Romanian capital was being lost, while foreign capital remained out of reach.<ref>"Criza. Băncile trebue ajutate, nu mustrate și pedepsite, pentru ei susțin industriile, declară d. Andrei Corteanu. Actualul regim economic este fundamental greșit, declară d. Marin Stănoiu", in ''Argus'', September 14, 1924, p. 1</ref>

The Antonescu program, which argued that the conditions of capitalism had fundamentally changed, and that usury had come to interfere with all forms of production and investments,<ref name="galați">"O intrunire la Galați a Ligii contra cametei", in ''[[Universul]]'', January 9, 1930, p. 2</ref> was met with skepticism by various other specialists. A ''[[laissez-faire]]'' economist, Al. D. Neagu, argued that the League presented "inefficient, unjust and momentary palliatives" to a systemic crisis, none of which could reactivate demand.<ref>Neagu, pp. 337–339</ref> Neagu also notes that the LCC's claims about usurers were largely dealt with by laws which limited [[repossession]], and that its program was "economically and morally unjustified".<ref>Neagu, pp. 334–335</ref> Jurist [[Nicolae Dașcovici]] also suggested that measures such as those endorsed "by the League against Usury agitators" meant "a continuous and quickened fall of trust by the capital [market]—and as such implicitly the worsening of credit ratings." The "one cure", he proposed, was "liquidating the insolvent".<ref>[[Nicolae Dașcovici]], "Insănătoșirea creditului în România", in ''[[Societatea de Mâine]]'', Issues 17–18/1930, p. 313</ref>

===Growth and eclecticism===
Within months of its creation, the League enjoyed massive growth: on March 1, 1930, it reportedly mustered some 100,000 peasants for a demonstration in [[Bârlad]], with [[Romanian Army]] units being called upon to prevent strife.<ref>Ion Dragomirescu, "Caruselul guvernamental 1930–1932. Furtuna bîntuia în adîncuri", in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', July 1973, p. 40</ref> While increasing in numbers, the LCC endured as a complex and eclectic movement. The left-wing journalist [[Petre Pandrea]], who attended LCC meetings, saw the party as a "provisional alliance" of "the ''[[kulak]]'' and the hired hand".<ref>Pandrea, p. 115</ref> Its sympathizers included [[Nicolae L. Lupu]], leader of the [[Peasants' Party–Lupu]] (PȚ–L) and a left-wing critic of National Peasantist economic policies. According to historian Pompiliu Tudoran, both Lupu and Antonescu's parties should be regarded as "center-left".<ref>Tudoran, p. 295</ref> Lupu played a noted part in setting up the League,<ref>Ioan Scurtu, "Întemeierea și activitatea Partidului Țărănesc — dr. N. Lupu (1927—1934)", in ''Revista de Istorie'', Issue 5/1976, p. 705</ref> but was not present for its constitutive congress, being held up by partial elections in [[Hunedoara County]].<ref name="adev1929"/> Attending the subsequent rally in December 1929, he explained that he did so "not as a politician, but as a defender of the debtors"; he also proposed translating the [[Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch|German Civil Code]]'s Article 138 into Romanian laws.<ref name="moțiunea"/> According to Pandrea, Lupu had created around him a "popular myth" as a savior, but had never promised his peasant constituents any concrete form of [[debt relief]].<ref>Pandrea, pp. 116, 118</ref>

Lupu's faction within the LCC was represented by [[Ion D. Isac]]. An educationist and decorated veteran, Isac was both the organizer of the League's branch in Gorj and chair of the national secretariat.<ref>Șerban, pp. 233–239</ref> Also joining the LCC in 1929 was a politically independent poet, [[George Tutoveanu]], who published denunciations of the bankers and stated that his party's mission was "to fight against suffering."<ref name="Clapa, p. 7"/> In May 1930, the LCC inaugurated in Bucharest its own political newspaper, ''Jos Camăta'' ("Down with Usury"). From November 14, it had Iarca as its editor.<ref>Ileana-Stanca Desa, Dulciu Morărescu, Ioana Patriche, Cornelia Luminița Radu, Adriana Raliade, Iliana Sulică, ''Publicațiile periodice românești (ziare, gazete, reviste). Vol. IV: Catalog alfabetic 1925-1930'', p. 546. Bucharest: [[Editura Academiei]], 2003.  {{ISBN|973-27-0980-4}}</ref> In late September, a "National-Radical Party", chaired by [[Simion Mândrescu]], adhered to the LCC platform;<ref>"Partidul radical-național și liga contra cametei", in ''[[Curentul]]'', September 27, 1930, p. 2</ref> from October, the LCC had a chapter in [[Bessarabia]], supervised by [[Pantelimon Erhan]].<ref>Nicolae Enciu, "Structura socio-profesională a populației Basarabiei interbelice între tradiționalism și modernitate", in ''Hyperion. Revistă de Cultură'', Vol. 36, Issues 1–2–3, 2018, p. 129</ref> Elsewhere, the League also won the adherence of Sterie Ionescu, who founded in [[Caracal, Romania|Caracal]] the newspaper ''Desrobirea'' ("Emancipation"), "at the service of plowmen, traders, and the League against Usury".<ref>Ileana-Stanca Desa, Elena Ioana Mălușanu, Cornelia Luminița Radu, Iuliana Sulică, ''Publicațiile periodice românești (ziare, gazete, reviste). Vol. V: Catalog alfabetic 1930–1935'', pp. 243, 374. Bucharest: [[Editura Academiei]], 2009.  {{ISBN|978-973-27-1828-5}}</ref> On November 3, 1930, the LCC had absorbed into it ranks [[Eraclie Sterian]]'s Association of Mortgaged Owners and Debtors.<ref>"Intrunirea Ligii contra cametei și proprietarilor ipotecați", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', November 4, 1930, p. 4</ref> By 1931, it had a branch in [[Năsăud County]], with the mechanic Mihai Buta as one of its prominent members.<ref>Moldovan, p. 259</ref>

With its specific attacks on [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jewish]] creditors, the LCC also had radical-right tinges: Heinen sees it as an "antisemitic and markedly right-wing" party, or "protest movement".<ref>Heinen, pp. 153, 199, 379</ref> The LCC's branch in [[Bukovina]] included a Colonel Ioan Niculcea, who also sympathized with the [[National-Christian Defense League]] (LANC).<ref>Bruja, pp. 241–242; Heinen, p. 195</ref> In summer 1930, the latter movement had instigated "agrarian troubles of an antisemitic character",<ref>"Où va la Roumanie?", p. 16</ref> with Niculcea as an active instigator. In mid 1930, Niculcea was arrested alongside the LANC's [[Nichifor Robu]] and Dumitru Scriculeac, a measure which only resulted in more confrontations between their supporters and [[Romanian Police]].<ref name="rfb241">Bruja, p. 241</ref> However, as noted at the time by ''La Revue Slave'', the LCC also challenged the core antisemitic tenets, by showing publicly that the "usurers" were highly active in [[Oltenia]], where Jews were virtually non-present.<ref>"Où va la Roumanie?", pp. 17–18</ref> In that region, the LCC was especially focused on denouncing the PNL's banking monopoly.<ref name="scrut">Scrutator, "Situația actuală și roadele campaniei contra partidelor. Nihilism politic în mase, mari nemulțumiri în cadrele politice. Greșelile guvernului au creat o situație intenabilă", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', May 21, 1931, p. 6</ref> Eventually, in 1931, a LANC newspaper warned voters that the League was a "wolf in sheep's clothing", and merely a front for Lupu's party.<ref>"Partidele, ca să mai aibă crezare, se ascund sub diferite nume", in ''Înfrățirea Românească'', Issue 13/1931, p. 153</ref>

In other contexts, the LCC was regarded as a quasi-socialist movement or a front for the banned [[Romanian Communist Party]] (PCdR). In one report of January 1931, [[Argeș County]] authorities denounced the LCC as a front for both the PCdR and the [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (1927–48)|Social Democratic Party]] (PSDR).<ref>Dumitrescu & Dumitrescu, pp. 265–266</ref> As Pandrea notes, Lupu was suspected of being a "[[Bolshevik]]" by the banking lobby, but was merely a Romanian "[[Alexander Kerensky|Kerensky]]", his policies ones of compromise with the lenders.<ref>Pandrea, pp. 116–119</ref> At a January 1930 LCC rally in [[Galați]], Lupu discussed Romania being "surrounded by enemies", and detailed his explicitly [[anti-Soviet]] position. He demanded an increase in military spending, noting that "the Soviets have over 3,000 airplanes and 40 toxic gas factories", with which they had intimidated the [[Republic of China (1912–1949)|Republic of China]].<ref name="galați"/> Claims of collaboration with the LCC were dismissed by both socialists and communists. In its manifestos, the PSDR, which sided with the PNȚ, wrote off the League and the PȚ–L as opportunistic movements, "created for the love of [[pork barrel]]s".<ref>[[Constantin Titel Petrescu]], ''Socialismul în România. 1835 – 6 septembrie 1940'', p. 418. Bucharest: Dacia Traiana, [n. y.]</ref> A more radical position was taken by the PCdR, whose 1931 congress listed LLC among the "fascist and semi-fascist" organisations used by the bourgeoisie and landowners in order to channel the discontent of the masses.<ref>"Congresul al V-lea al Partidului Comunist din Romînia", in ''Documente din istoria Partidului Comunist din Romînia. 1929–1933'', pp. 35, 270, 370. Bucharest: Editura de stat pentru literatură politică, 1956</ref>

Despite being joined by antisemites, the LCC was also open to members of various [[Minorities of Romania|ethnic minorities]]. Its regional chapter in the [[Banat]] was led by [[Stefan Frecôt]], a dissident and French-speaking member of the [[Danube Swabians|Danube Swabian]] community,<ref>Smaranda Vultur, ''Francezi în Banat, bănățeni în Franța'', pp. 48–49. Timișoara: Editura Marineasa, 2012.  {{ISBN|978-973-631-698-2}}</ref> who was also briefly the national LCC's Vice President.<ref>Vasile Dudaș, "Ștefan Frecot", in ''Analele Banatului. Arheologie–Istorie'', Vol. XVI, 2008, p. 361</ref> In Bukovina, where the LCC formed itself under the presidency of [[Dorimedont Popovici|Dorimedont "Dori" Popovici]] from May 1930, its affiliates included non-Romanians such as Carol Weltman, Victor Orobko, and Rudolf Müller.<ref>Florin-Răzvan Mihai, "Dinamica electorală a candidaților minoritari din Bucovina la alegerile generale din România interbelică", in Vasile Ciobanu, Sorin Radu (eds.), ''Partide politice și minorități naționale din România în secolul XX'', Vol. V, pp. 94, 100. Sibiu: TechnoMedia, 2010.  {{ISBN|978-973-739-261-9}}</ref> In September of that year, Popovici himself left the enterprise, accusing Antonescu of using the LCC to further personal ambitions; he won over the Association of Mortgaged Debtors, being elected as its chairman, and considered forming a nation-wide Federation of Taxpayers.<ref>"Intrunirea proprietarilor ipotecați", in ''[[Lupta]]'', September 16, 1930, p. 2</ref> In February 1931, worker András Bencze and three other [[Székelys]] of [[Lueta]] joined the LCC chapter in [[Rupea]]—a move which reportedly led them to be persecuted by the [[Gendarmerie (Romania)|Romanian Gendarmes]].<ref name="achurmele"/> [[Ukrainians in Romania|Ukrainian]] peasants were noted participants in Niculcea's anti-Jewish riot at [[Seliatyn|Seletin]].<ref name="rfb241"/>

===1931 election===
The League acknowledged [[Carol II of Romania|Carol II]]'s return to the Romanian throne, and "appealed to the sovereign that he take debtors under his protection."<ref>"Intrunirea Ligii contra cametei", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', March 22, 1932, p. 4</ref> By January 1931, from their shared headquarters at Batiștei Street 17,<ref>"Informațiuni. Intruniri", in ''[[Universul]]'', January 11, 1931, p. 4</ref> the League and the Association of Mortgaged Debtors had inaugurated a large-scale awareness campaign. On January 8, Alexandru S. Zisu presided over the LCC public gathering in Bucharest, where he asked that the monarchy intervene to prevent the PNȚ government from acting on behalf of creditors; a [[Teleorman County|Teleorman]] delegate, Mavrodineanu, singled out ministers for indulging in luxuries at the taxpayers' expense, and for allowing "profiteering by the industrial cartels, thanks to whom we consume sugar at 42 [[Romanian leu|lei]] per kilogram." Also then, Iarca announced that a peasant congress was being prepared.<ref>Or., "Duminica în Capitală. Liga contra cametei", in ''[[Universul]]'', January 14, 1931, p. 6</ref> In March, the League and Association were at [[agricultural show]]s. These offered venues for airing LCC slogans, including: ''Dobânda este un furt ce nu trebuie plătit'' ("Interest is theft that we should not cover").<ref>Dumitrescu & Dumitrescu, p. 273</ref>

Carol toppled the National Peasantist cabinet in April, assigning [[Nicolae Iorga]] as his [[Prime Minister of Romania|Prime Minister]]. As the latter noted, the appointment coincided with great turmoil, during which the LCC was preparing "an actual peasants' revolt" at Gorj.<ref>[[Nicolae Iorga]], ''Doi ani de restaurație. Ce a fost, ce am vrut, ce am putut'', pp. 29–30. Vălenii de Munte: Datina Românească, 1932.  {{OCLC|45882093}}</ref> The possibility of revolts was also raised by Pandrea, who recalled the "[[1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt|1907 atmosphere]]" and "pre-revolutionary" feel of the LCC congress in [[Craiova]].<ref>Pandrea, p. 114</ref> According to journalist Calman Blumenfeld-Scrutator, the "extraordinarily energetic" League was also especially strong in the Banat, where it looked like a real threat to the establishment.<ref name="scrut"/> In the [[1931 Romanian general election|June 1931 general elections]], convened by Iorga, the LCC ran under a [[sun cross]] logo (⊕).<ref>"Haosul electoral", in ''[[Realitatea Ilustrată]]'', Issue 285, July 1935, p. 28</ref> It coalesced into a bloc with the PȚ–L, activated by the LCC congress on May 3. This alliance, described by Antonescu as the only moral choice, was disliked by other League sections—the LCC chapter in [[Dâmbovița County]] decided to form separate lists. While delegates objected to Lupu's overtures toward Iorga's [[Democratic Nationalist Party (Romania)|Democratic Nationalist Party]] (PND), Antonescu informed them that the LCC leadership was considering joining in that pro-government alliance.<ref>"Campania Electorală. Adunarea Ligii contra cametei", in ''[[Curentul]]'', May 6, 1931, p. 5</ref> The opposition newspaper ''[[Lupta]]'' reports that, later in May, there was a direct rapprochement between the PND and the League: "All it took for this League to be engaged in negotiations was for Mr Em. Antonescu to address Mr Iorga a flattering letter." Talks continued even though the PND press reassured its readers that "measures of authority" would still be used against anyone encouraging peasants not to honor their debts.<ref>"Guvernul și Liga Camerei. Pentru contra propagandei acestei organizațiuni anarhice", in ''Patria'', May 21, 1931, p. 4</ref> That month, Gorj's county prosecutor sought and obtained that Alexandru Magherescu (who was its best-placed candidate) and Aristide "Aristică" Magherescu be arrested and investigated their role in fomenting disorder.<ref>"Cum se desfășoară campania electorală. In jurul arestării candidatului Ligii contra cametei din Gorj", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', May 25, 1931, p. 7; J. B. D., "''Universul'' în țară. Scrisori din Gorj. Candidat arestat", in ''[[Universul]]'', May 22, 1931, p. 10</ref>

The LCC eventually formed a loose alliance with both the PȚ–L and the left-wing agrarian [[Democratic Peasants' Party–Stere]] (PȚD–S). The latter registered on separate lists, but only put up candidates in Bessarabia.<ref name="scrut"/><ref>Heinen, pp. 152, 153</ref> In parallel, Antonescu renewed his pact with the National-Radicals, allowing Mândrescu to run in the elections as a League man.<ref>"Campania electorală. Apelul partidului radical", in ''[[Curentul]]'', May 15, 1931, p. 5</ref> In Bucharest, a similar pact was signed with [[Jean Th. Florescu]] and his political club ''Omul Liber'' (or "Liberal-Democratic Party"), with Florescu granted the top position for [[Ilfov County]].<ref>"Intrunirea Ligii contra cametei", in ''[[Curentul]]'', May 30, 1931, p. 2; "Electorale", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', May 23, 1931, p. 4</ref> By then, some members of the far-right wing had left the League: Col. Niculcea set up a Beetroot Cultivators' Collective (''Obștea Cultivatorilor de Sfeclă''), which caucused with the fascist [[Iron Guard]].<ref>Heinen, pp. 153, 195</ref> Far-right groups were nominally repressed during the election, with both Niculicea and Robu returning to jail,<ref>Bruja, pp. 241–242</ref> but [[Ministry of Internal Affairs (Romania)|Internal Affairs]], then under [[Constantin Argetoianu]], failed to take significant action on that front. At the time, the bulk of its surveillance activity was still focused on the LCC, the PCdR, and the [[Peasant Workers' Bloc]].<ref name="np316">N. Petrescu, p. 316</ref> A left-wing daily, ''[[Dimineața]]'', commented on May 28 that: "When it comes [suppression of the communists], we rarely hear anything. In truth and fact, they never truly mattered. [...] This leaves the far-right extremists and the League Against Usury. Savage persecution has been unleashed against the latter, everywhere one looks. The far-right extremists, on the other hand, are free to operate."<ref>"Viața politică. Guvernul a suprimat libertatea propagandei electorale", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', May 28, 1931, p. 7</ref>

According to Scrutator, the LCC policy of presenting peasants as candidates "gives insomnia to the leaders of government organizations, as well as to those in the opposition."<ref name="scrut"/> In the areas of [[Transylvania]], [[Crișana]], and the Banat, the LCC had its greatest score in [[Arad County]], where it took eighth place with 2,442 votes, ahead of the LANC.<ref>"Cum au ieșit alegerile", in ''Unirea Poporului'', Issue 22/1931, p. 4</ref> As noted by historian Niculae Petrescu, the Democratic Peasantists had more to gain from their partnership with the LCC, increasing their share of the vote nationally.<ref name="np316"/> However, only 2.8% of the Romanian voters favored the alliance, winning it six seats in the [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Assembly of Deputies]]. The LCC took one seat and the PȚD–S took five.<ref>[[Dieter Nohlen]], Philip Stöver, ''Elections in Europe: A Data Handbook''. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2010, p. 1601.  {{ISBN|978-3-8329-5609-7}}. See also ''Politics and Political Parties...'', p. 57. See also N. Petrescu, p. 315; Moldovan, p. 261</ref> The party's national cartel with the PȚ–L granted it as a favor an extra seat, representing Gorj.<ref name="ddrlupu">"Electorale. D. dr. Lupu despre denunțarea cartelului de către Liga contra cametei", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', June 17, 1932, p. 5</ref> Here, the two groups had gathered 3,940 votes between them.<ref>Tudoran, p. 294</ref> The courtesy seat went to Isac, who had been arrested for sedition during the campaign, forcing the authorities to release him.<ref>Șerban, p. 238</ref>

The PND and its allies emerged victorious from the campaign, returning Iorga as Prime Minister. During the race, Iorga supporter [[Iosif Trifa]] had warned peasant voters: "The League Against Usury is a party that puts out promises about debt erasure. May we be allowed to worry that many of its own members are usurers. It is not to be seen as a serious party."<ref>"Cum stau partidele politice in fața alegerilor", in ''Lumina Satelor'', Vol. X, Issue 22, May 1931, p. 2</ref> However, Iorga's new administration incorporated former LCC cadres, appointing Tutoveanu as the [[Prefect (Romania)|prefect]] of [[Tutova County]].<ref>Clapa, p. 8</ref> By February 1932, Stănoiu was a PND deputy. Though he had sold his property and its debt, he still supported the LCC platform on the issue, as well as a temporary ban on foreclosures—while also asking that banks which held agricultural land as a collateral be refinanced by the state.<ref>"Desbaterile parlamentare. Camera. Ședința din 11 Februarie", in ''[[Dreptatea]]'', February 13, 1932, p. 3</ref> Around that time, Minister Argetoianu had embraced the slogan of debt relief, and Antonescu was asked to represent the LCC on a government-appointed "conversion committee".<ref>"Buletin parlamentar. Camera. S'a votat legea chiriilor", in ''[[Lupta]]'', February 6, 1932, p. 2</ref> This made a good impression on the LCC and its allies. On February 10, some 100 members of the Bucharest chapter, instigated by lawyer Vasile Popescu, left the LCC headquarters on Batiștei Street and staged a thank-you ceremony in front of Argetoianu's house on Victor Emanuel Street. They were joined there by Dori Popovici, who was by then leading his own Association of Mortgaged Owners.<ref>"Intrunirile de Duminică. Acțiunea proprietarilor ipotecați. Expunerea d-lui Dori Popovici.—Manifestația dela locuința d-lui Agetoianu", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', February 10, 1932, p. 10</ref>

===Decline and division===
[[File:Semnul conversiunei (PND poster of 1932).png|thumb|250px|[[Democratic Nationalist Party (Romania)|Democratic Nationalist]] poster for the [[1932 Romanian general election|elections of 1932]], reminding plowmen to vote for "the symbol of [debt] Conversion", which had freed them from the "usurer's bondage"]]
Other splinter groups, formed in the wake of the 1931 elections, included the Ploughmen's Party of Greater Romania (PPRM), established in November 1931 by Iarca, Aristică Magherescu, and Sterie Ionescu.<ref>"Inființarea partidului plugarilor", in ''[[Curentul]]'', November 6, 1931, p. 4</ref> In February 1932, Iarca, as the PPRM chairman, was asking the Electoral Commission for the sun cross logo, to be used as its own symbol. The Commission, which was then under Lupu's leadership, denied them this privilege.<ref>"In jurul semnului electoral al Ligei contra cametei", in ''[[Curentul]]'', February 17, 1932, p. 4</ref> The LCC still ran in the partial elections for the Assembly seat in Tutova (April 1932), separate from Lupu's own PȚ–L. During a PNȚ rally held at [[Bârlad]]'s French Cinema, [[Eduard Mirto]] sought to persuade voters that the LCC was "all empty talk, with no possibility of being realized."<ref>"Alegerea parțială de la Tutova. Intrunirile de la Bârlad, Hălărești, Pătrășcani şi Zorleni. Cuvântările d-lor Voicu Nițescu, Eduard Mirto, Ionel Lupescu și V. Georgescu-Bârlad", in ''[[Dreptatea]]'', March 27, 1932, p. 2</ref> The seat was taken by the Iron Guard's [[Corneliu Zelea Codreanu]], who won 26% of the vote; the LCC had 13.7%, and the PȚ–L 6.2%.<ref>Heinen, pp. 199–200, 379</ref> According to Heinen, the League still managed to draw votes away from the Iron Guard's niche, upsetting its growth;<ref>Heinen, p. 379</ref> a report in ''Lupta'' claimed that Antonescu had received full support from Iorga's government, including by having his candidates taken on trips around the county with a government-owned automobile, carrying the [[Flag of Romania|Romanian tricolor]].<ref>"Cum decurge campania electorală in județul Tutova", in ''[[Lupta]]'', March 19, 1932, p. 3</ref>

On March 26, 1932, the Assembly voted 248 to 17 in favor of debt relief; all but one of the nays were from [[Grigore Filipescu]]'s [[Vlad Țepeș League]].<ref name="votat">"Camera a votat conversiunea. Dezordinile studențești în discuția Parlamentului", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', March 26, 1932, p. 5</ref> The LCC opted to present its own candidates in the [[1932 Romanian general election|elections of July 1932]]. Already in May, it stirred controversy with posters showing "bloodsucking banks" and "inviting debtors to storm into those financial institutions that have dared to charge over 18% in interest."<ref>Viator, "Săptămâna Financiară. Un afiș al Ligei contra cametei", in ''Argus'', May 16, 1932, p. 3</ref> In mid June, the cartel it had formed with the PȚ–L was still functional: "As such, Mr Nolică Antonescu shall run at the top of the Lupist list for Tutova."<ref>"Viața politică. Inflație de demnitari. Pregătirea campaniei electorale", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', June 13, 1932, p. 4</ref> The pact was eventually denounced, allegedly because Lupu had refused to assign an eligible position in [[Alba County]] to Antonescu.<ref name="ddrlupu"/> On June 18, a general assembly of the LCC was held at the new headquarters on Aleea Alexandru 18, where 25 counties were represented. They deposed Antonescu, replacing him with a seven-man committee—Iarca (reinstated as an LCC member on that occasion), [[Dumitru Pavelescu-Dimo]], and landowner I. Anca held the three eligible position on this body.<ref name="iarca">C. Iarca, "Cutia cu scrisori. Polemică în jurul 'Ligii contra cametei'", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', July 24, 1931, p. 7</ref>

As explained by Iarca, the LCC's basis had been outraged by Antonescu's preference for an alliance with Lupu ("although [Lupu] had left our movement in the summer of 1930"), and by his less-than-enthusiastic support for Carol. Iarca also accused Antonescu of lassitude when it came to drafting the electoral lists, and alleged that he had negotiated with Argetoianu a fast-tracked debt forgiveness for some of the League's more well-positioned members.<ref name="iarca"/> By July, Antonescu was attempting to register his own LCC as the real successor party. His associates in this project included Dorel Dumitrescu and Adam Ionescu, as well as, according to Iarca, "a general currently under arms, who has already clarified that he will be withdrawing, and who is barred from even engaging in politics".<ref name="iarca"/> It absorbed Florescu's group, presenting Florescu himself as its candidate in [[Târnava Mare County]]; it also established an alliance with the Traders' Councils (''Sfaturile Negustorești'') and with "other economic associations".<ref name="mitif">"Mistificări electorale în Târnava Mare", in ''[[Lupta]]'', July 22, 1932, p. 3</ref> Still affiliated with the PPRM in June,<ref>"Campania electorală. Noui Candidați. La Gorj", in ''[[Lupta]]'', June 18, 1932, p. 3</ref> Aristică Magherescu went to the PȚD–S a month later, and became its candidate for Gorj. He ran directly against an LCC-and-Traders list headlined by Antonescu.<ref>"Cum decurge campania electorală. La Gorj s'au depus 15 liste pentru alegerile dela Cameră", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', July 13, 1932, p. 9</ref>

Shortly before, Isac had joined the PȚ-L, but, as noted by his political adversaries, he still "convened the villagers as if affiliated with the League Against Usury, without informing them about his new boss."<ref name="validări">"Discuția validărilor continuă la Cameră. Ședința dela 8 August", in ''[[Dreptatea]]'', August 10, 1932, p. 3</ref> Isac's electoral flyers claimed the League presidency for himself, noting that Antonescu was in fact a member of the Economic Front, and through it a proxy of the National Peasantists. In such propaganda, the Economic Front was also singled out for being under "the kike [[Wilhelm Filderman]], one of [[Western Moldavia|Moldavia]]'s greatest usurers." Isac claimed to have won allegiance from all LCC branches in Oltenia, and used as his symbol the "two circles" (Ⓞ).<ref>"Fluturaș electoral al LCC împotriva PNȚ, adresat gorjenilor (1932)", in ''Dosarele Istoriei'', Vol. V, Issue 11 (51), 2000, p. 23</ref> Lupists acted similarly in [[Făgăraș County]], where they shared the ballot with former LCC men, grouped under Ioan Leon.<ref>Al. Marinescu, "Situația politică în jud. Făgăraș. Desfășurarea propagandei electorale.—Lupte crâncene", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', July 9, 1932, p. 5</ref> Antonescu's LCC complained about unfair competition in Târnava Mare, where I. Borcoman similarly presented himself as the League's candidate, aligned with the PȚD–S platform.<ref name="mitif"/> In the end, the official LCC only registered candidates in two counties,<ref>"Campania electorală. Câte liste au fost depuse în întreaga țară", in ''[[Lupta]]'', July 15, 1932, p. 3</ref> while Antonescu also put himself up for election in [[Argeș County]]. His "dismal result" of 716 votes from 44,269 electors was registered by Filipescu as evidence that the LCC threat was always exaggerated.<ref>"Interview cu d. Gr. N. Filipescu. Punctul de vedere al conservatorilor", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', July 2, 1932, p. 7</ref>

Except for Isac's mandate (which was nearly invalidated on the spot, due to the polemics surrounding his campaign),<ref name="validări"/> none of the groups claiming to speak for the League took any seats. An LCC leadership still met in August 1932, when it presented a new set of political demands to the PNȚ cabinet formed by [[Alexandru Vaida-Voevod]].<ref>"Intrunirea Ligei contra cametei", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', August 9, 1932, p. 3</ref> Late that month, Antonescu, Grigore Fieroiu and Aristică Magherescu were recorded as belonging to the same LCC, which held its congress at Transilvania Hall, Bucharest,<ref>"Întrunirea Ligii contra camerei", in ''[[Curentul]]'', August 23, 1932, p. 3</ref> and belonged to the larger Economic Federation, whose president was Dori Popovici.<ref>"Congresul 'Federației economice'. Ziua I-a", in ''[[Universul]]'', August 17, 1932, p. 3</ref> In early September, after a violent clash with Police outside the Imperial Hotel in Bucharest, several LCC figures, including Iarca and Captain Nicolai Mănescu, were taken into custody. On September 12, the LCC headquarters, now recorded as located on Edgar Quinet Street 9,<ref name="delafau">"Dela Frontul Asanării Urbane", in ''[[Cuvântul]]'', October 9, 1932, p. 4</ref> were sealed off.<ref>"Ultima oră. Ciocnirile de stradă din București. Mai multe arestări.—Sediul ligii contra cametei a fost sigilat", in ''Opinia'', September 13, 1932, p. 4</ref> By September 25, Antonescu and Pavelescu-Dimo were again working together within a Front for the Defense of Debt Relief (''Frontul pentru Apărarea Conversiunii''), which insisted on support for agricultural production, as well as for the extension of debt forgiveness to Romania's city-dwellers.<ref>"Viața economică. Congresul frontului pentru apărarea conversiunii", in ''[[Curentul]]'', September 26, 1932, p. 3</ref>

Largely rendered ineffectual by the adoption of debt relief and anti-usury legislation under the Iorga cabinet,<ref name="is155"/><ref name="gardaap">"Garda pentru apărarea proprietății de sub președinția dlui prof. Em. Antonescu", in ''[[Tribuna (Romania)|Tribuna]]'', Vol. VI, Issue 22, October 1933, pp. 1–2</ref> the League supported the application of such laws once they were placed in peril by Vaida-Voevod. At the time, it was speculated that the LCC would form a "spontaneous" alliance with the PND and other parties.<ref>T. L., "Acțiunea pentru apărarea conversiunii", in ''[[Adevărul]]'', August 9, 1932, p. 6</ref> On October 8, 1932, the LCC announced that it had joined a "Front for Urban Debt-clearance" (''Frontul Asanării Urbane'', FAU), alongside the Association of Mortgaged Owners and Debtors (API), and was again petitioning the PNȚ cabinet. The FAU leadership included Antonescu, Pavelescu-Dimo, I. Constantinescu, and N. C. Georgescu.<ref name="delafau"/> In December, it was announced that Argetoianu's [[Agrarian Union Party]] (PUA) was in the process of absorbing the LCC—their shared platform promised to save capitalism, but also to liquidate private debt.<ref>"Ultima oră. Salvatorul No. 15 enunță programul!", in ''[[Lupta]]'', December 22, 1932, p. 4</ref> This unification included the LCC's Gorj chapter, presided upon by Alexandru Magherescu.<ref name="p&pp477"/>

==Posterity==
[[File:Aristică Magherescu and Gorj peasant debtors in May 1935.png|thumb|400px|Aristică Magherescu and Gorj peasant debtors, photographed in May 1935]]
Some other sections continued to claim the LCC's name and history. On February 3, 1933, ''[[Cuvântul]]'' hosted an announcement which ran: "Messrs members of the League Against Usury, mortgage debtors' section, are kindly asked to participate in a consultation to be held today [...]. This consultation will determine what attitude the League should have following Mr Antonescu's resignation as leader."<ref>"Informațiuni", in ''[[Cuvântul]]'', February 3, 1933, p. 7</ref> Antonescu's version of events, presented in October, was that he had "abolished the League, since it had attained its goal and since he had no political ambitions for himself."<ref name="gardaap"/> Isac had switched to supporting Vaida-Voevod's cabinet, but, in early 1933, condemned police action against the [[Grivița strike of 1933|Grivița strikers]], describing the ruling classes as immoral, and workers as their "scapegoat".<ref name="tolegenda">[[Tudor Octavian]], "Un om și legenda lui. Ion D. Isac din Pojogeni", in ''[[Flacăra]]'', Vol. XXX, Issue 22, May 1981, p. 27</ref> On August 7, members of the FAU stormed into ''[[Ramuri]]'' hall, Craiova, to prevent an anti-relief speech by Filipescu.<ref>"D. Gr. Filipescu împiedicat să vorbească la Craiova", in ''[[Lupta]]'', August 8, 1933, p. 3</ref>

On July 9, 1933, at his home on Sfântul Constantin Street 4,<ref>"Informațiuni", in ''[[Cuvântul]]'', July 10, 1933, p. 7</ref> Antonescu had set up another organization, the (allegedly fascist)<ref>Georgescu, p. 343</ref> Guard for the Defense of Private Property (GAPP). This group protested against Vaida's return to insolvency legislation, and advanced the reduction of all debts by 75%; it welcomed in members of all ethnicities and creeds, also allowing them to be simultaneously members of any political party.<ref name="gardaap"/> By the time of its inaugural congress in September 1933, the GAPP had recruited Frecôt and Sterian, and was receiving visits from PUA delegates.<ref>"Intrunirea 'Gărzii pentru apărarea proprietății'", in ''[[Tribuna (Romania)|Tribuna]]'', Vol. VI, Issues 18–19, September 1933, p. 2</ref> By November, it had signed up to a platform of the Debtors' Movement, formed around [[Constantin Garoflid]].<ref>"Mișcarea debitorilor. Un congres general, sub conducerea d-lui C. Garoflid", in ''Opinia'', November 17, 1933, p. 1</ref> Around that time, [[Ion G. Duca]], as the National Liberal Prime Minister, signed an order banning the Iron Guard. This prompted Filipescu to remark that the Guard was not in fact worse than "Nolică's leagues, who have been infecting this country for more than three years".<ref>[[Grigore Filipescu]], "Dizolvarea Gărzii de fer {{sic}}", in ''[[Epoca (Romania)|Epoca]]'', December 12, 1933, p. 1</ref>

The GAPP eventually participated in the [[1933 Romanian general election|December 1933 election]] as part of Argetoianu's PUA-led alliance.<ref>"Știri. Sibiu. Politiciani mincinoși", in ''[[Tribuna (Romania)|Tribuna]]'', Vol. VI, Issue 28, December 1933, p. 4</ref> Isac presented himself in that race as a PȚ-L candidate—though the PNL government had him arrested, again on charges of sedition, for having encouraged "[[class conflict]]".<ref name="tolegenda"/> An association called League Against Usury still existed in 1934 in Bucharest, collaborating with the API and as part of the FAU. They shared a building on Carol Street 62.<ref>''București: Ghid oficial cu 20 hărți pentru orientare'', p. 64. Bucharest: Imprimeria Fundației Culturale Regale, 1934.  {{OCLC|163817859}}</ref> The rival GAPP was also attested on October 7, 1934, when it held congress at its new headquarters in [[Dudești, Bucharest|Dudești]] (Calea Dudești 85).<ref>"Informațiuni", in ''[[Curentul]]'', October 8, 1934, p. 7</ref> By February 1936, N. C. Georgescu and Pavelescu-Dimo had joined a General Association of Debtors, which had poet Nicolae Mihăescu-Nigrim as its president.<ref>"Intrunirea de eri a debitorilor ", in ''[[Curentul]]'', February 18, 1936, p. 3</ref> 

Iarca had reemerged in late 1935 as an organizer of vintagers and vine growers in [[Buzău County]], leading as many as 6,000 in a protest against the spirits monopoly.<ref>"Comerț–Agricultură. Acţiunea podgorenilor din țară. Marea întrunire dela Buzău", in ''[[Curentul]]'', November 11, 1935, p. 6</ref> In May of that year, Aristică Magherescu, as the PUA vice president, organized a rally of the PUA section in Gorj, electing Iarca as that organization's county leader.<ref>"Ședința comitetului județean al partidului 'Uniunea agrară' din Gorj. Alegerea noului președinte", in ''[[Dimineața]]'', May 19, 1936, p. 4</ref> Sterie Ionescu, meanwhile, founded a Front of Debtors, and, in 1935, sought to reestablish the [[National Agrarian Party (Romania)|National Agrarian Party]].<ref>Dumitru Botar, "Din presa romanațeană de altădată (III)", in ''Memoria Oltului și Romanaților'', Issue 4/2017, p. 32</ref> In 1937, he was publishing the political gazette ''Buretele'', which engaged in a violent polemic with the PNȚ. The latter responded by alleging that ''Buretele'' was a front for the PNL government, and by publishing Ionescu's bankruptcy records.<ref>"De la Ilie Lacteol la Sterică Ionescu. Cartea de vizită a unui pușcăriaș care atacă, cu concursul guvernului, partidul național-țărănesc", in ''[[Dreptatea]]'', May 13, 1937, p. 3</ref>

Before the [[1937 Romanian general election|general election of December 1937]], the sun cross logo was taken up by a [[Radical Peasants' Party]], under [[Grigore Iunian]],<ref>See list published alongside N. Papatansiu, "Războiul electoral", in ''[[Realitatea Ilustrată]]'', Issue 569, December 1937, p. 5</ref> while Sterie Ionescu registered his Agrarian Party in [[Târnava Mică County]], with himself as a candidate for the [[Senate of Romania]].<ref>"Ultima oră. Candidaturile complete in jud. Târnava-Mică. S'au depus 12 liste pentru Cameră", in ''[[Universul]]'', December 15, 1937, p. 15</ref> With the start of World War II, Antonescu reemerged as a right-wing critic of the Iron Guard, whom he accused of fomenting violent dissent among his students.<ref>Valentin Săndulescu, "Convertiri și reconvertiri: elite academice și culturale și schimbare politică în România anilor 1930–1960", in Cristian Vasile (ed.), ''"Ne trebuie oameni!". Elite intelectuale și transformări istorice în România modernă și contemporană'', p. 167. Târgoviște: [[Nicolae Iorga Institute of History]] & Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2017.  {{ISBN|978-606-537-385-3}}</ref> During the Iron Guard ascendancy with the "[[National Legionary State]]" of 1940–1941, lawyer Gogu Adam Popescu expressed the hope that insolvency crises would be curbed through stricter [[credit limit]]s and "honest speculation". Popescu argued at the time that the League was responsible for the "demagogic and capitalist" debt-conversion trend.<ref>Gogu Adam Popescu, "Problema Cassei de amortizare a datoriilor", in ''[[Curentul]]'', November 7, 1940, p. 5</ref> The Guard's Minister of Agriculture was the wealthy landowner [[Nicolae Mareș]],<ref>Mihai Sorin Rădulescu, "Autour de la généalogie de Ion Antonescu", in ''Muzeul Național'', Vol. XVIII, 2006, pp. 336–337</ref> one of the seventeen deputies to have voted against debt relief in March 1932.<ref name="votat"/>

Isac remained in national politics with Lupu's party, also setting up a Ploughmen's Syndicate; he withdrew from public affairs during World War II, but was for a while promoted under the postwar [[Communist Romania|communist regime]].<ref>Șerban, pp. 237–239</ref> In 1946, he was sitting in the [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Assembly of Deputies]], serving as its Vice President;<ref name="tolegenda"/> he sided with the [[National Peasants' Party–Alexandrescu]], and produced a denunciation of his schoolteacher colleague, Titu Ciocănescu, as a former Iron Guard propagandist.<ref>"Politica la zi. Camera și-a reluat activitatea", in ''[[Scînteia]]'', September 6, 1947, p. 3</ref> Lupu himself had rejoined, then left, the PNȚ. Before communism, he presided upon a [[Democratic Peasants' Party–Lupu]], which called itself the left-wing opposition to the PNȚ; in writing the group's manifesto, Lupu described "the law on debt conversion" as one of his own leftist credentials.<ref>[[Ioan Lăcustă]], "În București, acum 50 ani", in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', February 1996, pp. 28–29</ref> In late 1944, Aristică Magherescu had set up a new group called League Against Usury, which had as its twin organization the Ploughmen and Labor Party. On November 30, these were voluntarily absorbed by the communist-aligned [[Ploughmen's Front]].<ref>"Noui aderări la Frontul Plugarilor. Contopirea organizaților 'Partidului plugarilor și al Muncii' și 'Liga contra cametei' din jud. Gorj cu 'Frontul Plugarilor'", in ''[[Scînteia]]'', December 9, 1944, p. 4</ref> In 1947, Magherescu himself had rallied with Argetoianu's National Union for Work and Reconstruction, becoming chairman of its Gorj chapter in August.<ref>"Informații", in ''[[Universul]]'', August 20, 1947, p. 2</ref>

During the early stages of communism, the LCC continued to be regarded as an opportunistic movement, as characterized in 1961 by party historian Titu Georgescu.<ref>Georgescu, p. 326</ref> Other stances were taken up later in the 1960s by researchers such as Gheorghe Ioniță, who reclaimed the League as one of the "democratic organizations created, steered, and influenced by the [communist party]".<ref>Cristina Diac, "O cotitură a destinului. Procesul lui Nicolae Ceaușescu din 1936", in Adrian Cioroianu (ed.), ''Comuniștii înainte de comunism: procese și condamnări ale ilegaliștilor din România'', p. 261. Bucharest: [[Editura Universității București]], 2014.  {{ISBN|978-606-16-0520-0}}</ref> Authors C. and F. Dumitrescu reached a similar conclusion, namely that the PCdR had a "tight connection" with the League.<ref>Dumitrescu & Dumitrescu, p. 266</ref> In 1975, researcher Amuliu Cheța similarly placed the LCC among the "progressive mass organizations led or influenced by the communists".<ref name="achurmele">Amuliu Cheța, "Pe urmele istoriei", in ''Informația Harghitei'', March 15, 1975, p. 8</ref> In a 1989 article discussing the peasantry as a revolutionary force, [[Ion Popescu-Puțuri]] listed the LCC, alongside the Ploughmen's Front and the [[Socialist Peasants' Party]], as one of the communist party's "legal mass organizations".<ref>[[Ion Popescu-Puțuri]], "Țărănimea — forță socială de bază a luptei poporului român pentru progres social, unitate și independență națională, pentru transformarea revoluționară a societății românești", in ''Anale de Istorie'', Vol. XXXV, Issue 5, 1989, p. 52</ref>

==Electoral history==
=== Legislative elections ===

{| class=wikitable style=text-align:center
|-
! Election !! Votes !! Percentage !! [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Chamber]] !! [[Senate of Romania|Senate]] !! Position
|- 
| [[1931 Romanian general election|1931]]
| 80,570
| 2.8
| {{Composition bar|1|387|hex=lightgreen}}
| {{Composition bar|0|113|hex=lightgreen}}
| 9th
|- 
| [[1932 Romanian general election|1932]]
| 
| under 0.2
| {{Composition bar|0|387|hex=lightgreen}}
| {{Composition bar|0|113|hex=lightgreen}}
|
|}

==Notes==
{{Reflist|3}}

==References==
{{columns-list|colwidth=30em|
*"Où va la Roumanie?", in ''Le Monde Slave'', Vol. 2, No. 4, April 1932, pp.&nbsp;1–38.
*''Politics and Political Parties in Roumania''. London: International Reference Library Publishers Co., 1936. {{OCLC|252801505}}
*Radu Florian Bruja, "Nichifor Robu – trepte către monografia unui politician antisemit", in ''Anuarul Institutului de Istorie George Barițiu din Cluj-Napoca. Supliment'', Vol. LII, 2013, pp.&nbsp;235–256.
*Gheorghe Clapa, "Gheorghe Tutoveanu – prefect de Tutova (13 aprilie 1931 – 31 mai 1932)", in ''[[Academia Bârlădeană]]'', Issue 20/2005, pp.&nbsp;7–9.
*C. Dumitrescu, F. Dumitrescu, "Frămîntări sociale în județul Argeș în anii crizei economice (1929—1933)", in ''Studii și Comunicări'', Vol. II, 1969, pp.&nbsp;263–277.
*Titu Georgescu, "Activitatea Comitetului național antifascist (1933—1934)", in ''Studii. Revistă de Istorie'', Issue 2/1961, pp.&nbsp;323–353.
*Armin Heinen, ''Legiunea 'Arhanghelul Mihail': o contribuție la problema fascismului internațional''. Bucharest: [[Humanitas publishing house|Humanitas]], 2006.  {{ISBN|973-50-1158-1}}
*[[Victor Moldovan]], ''Memoriile unui politician din perioada interbelică. Vol. I''. Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitară Clujeană, 2016.  {{ISBN|978-973-595-971-5}}.
*Al. D. Neagu, "Problema datoriilor particulare", in ''Buletinul Institutului Economic Românesc'', Issues 5–6/1930, pp.&nbsp;316–339.
*[[Petre Pandrea]], "Prerevoluționar", in ''Utopia'', Issues 5–6/1930, pp.&nbsp;114–119.
*Niculae Petrescu, "Un experiment politic interbelic—guvernul de tehnicieni", in ''Muzeul Național'', Vol. I, Issue 17, 2005, pp.&nbsp;303–322. 
*Ion Gh. Roșca, Liviu Bogdan Vlad, ''Rectorii Academiei de Studii Economice din București''. Bucharest: [[Bucharest Academy of Economic Studies]], 2013.  {{ISBN|978-606-505-672-5}}
*Al. Doru Șerban, ''Personalități care au fost în Gorj''. Târgu Jiu: Măiastra, 2009.  {{ISBN|978-606-516-133-7}}
*Pompiliu Tudoran, "Gorjul în contextul electoral al Olteniei din cel de-al patrulea deceniu. Unele considerații statistice", in ''Litua. Studii și Cercetări'', 1982, pp.&nbsp;291–296.
}}
{{Historical Romanian political parties}}

[[Category:1929 establishments in Romania]]
[[Category:1932 disestablishments in Romania]]
[[Category:Agrarian parties in Romania]]
[[Category:Defunct agrarian political parties]]
[[Category:Defunct political parties in Romania]]
[[Category:Political parties disestablished in 1932]]
[[Category:Political parties established in 1929]]
[[Category:Single-issue political parties]]
[[Category:Usury]]