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removed section on "Islamic and Arab contributions in the history of science": like the sections removed in my previous edit, this is wp:original research and undue, but the problem here is even greater, since Khulusi's views on this topic are wp:fringe: this section reads like an 'alternative' Arab nationalist history of science full of legends and inaccuracies (see also Talk:Safa Khulusi#Removal of originally researched analysis of Khulusi's works)
removed sections on "Arabic grammar and its theoretical basics", "Journalism and Arabic literature", and "Literary history of Ma'ruf al-Rusafi": again wp:original research (each section only cites one to three primary sources, all works by Khulusi himself) and largely wp:undue (see also the fuller explanation at the talk page)
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Khulusi's thesis was expounded in Arabic publications. His view that Shakespeare had Arabic ancestors is highly speculative and lacks any evidence. His opinions have been opposed by other scholars including [[Abdul Sattar Jawad Al-Mamouri]],<ref name = "mam"/> [[Abdullah Al-Dabbagh]],<ref name = "dab"/> [[Eric Ormsby]],<ref>Ormsby, E, "Shadow Language", ''New Criterion'', Vol. 21, Issue: 8, April 2003.</ref> [[Ferial Ghazoul]] and the Egyptian scholar [[Ibrahim Hamadah]] who devoted a book, ''‘Urubat Shakespeare'' (''The Arabism of Shakespeare'') 1989, to refuting Khulusi's thesis.<ref>[[Ferial J. Ghazoul]], "The Arabization of Othello", ''Comparative Literature'', Vol. 50, No. 1, Winter, 1998, p.9</ref> Libyan leader [[Muammar Gaddafi]] endorsed Khulusi's views in 1989.<ref>Margaret Litvin, ''Critical Survey'', Volume: 19. Issue: 3., 2007, p.1.</ref>
Khulusi's thesis was expounded in Arabic publications. His view that Shakespeare had Arabic ancestors is highly speculative and lacks any evidence. His opinions have been opposed by other scholars including [[Abdul Sattar Jawad Al-Mamouri]],<ref name = "mam"/> [[Abdullah Al-Dabbagh]],<ref name = "dab"/> [[Eric Ormsby]],<ref>Ormsby, E, "Shadow Language", ''New Criterion'', Vol. 21, Issue: 8, April 2003.</ref> [[Ferial Ghazoul]] and the Egyptian scholar [[Ibrahim Hamadah]] who devoted a book, ''‘Urubat Shakespeare'' (''The Arabism of Shakespeare'') 1989, to refuting Khulusi's thesis.<ref>[[Ferial J. Ghazoul]], "The Arabization of Othello", ''Comparative Literature'', Vol. 50, No. 1, Winter, 1998, p.9</ref> Libyan leader [[Muammar Gaddafi]] endorsed Khulusi's views in 1989.<ref>Margaret Litvin, ''Critical Survey'', Volume: 19. Issue: 3., 2007, p.1.</ref>

==Arabic grammar and its theoretical basics==
[[File:The Art of Translation.jpg|thumb|200px|''Fann al-Tarjama'' (The Art of Translation) first edition 1956. This popular textbook underwent numerous revisions over several decades and reflected Khulusi's changing style of teaching.]]

Based on his experience researching classical Arabic manuscripts, and teaching modern Arabic language, Khulusi sets out to simplify the complexities of grammatical construction in modern Arabic. He dismisses the notion that in its most elaborate form Arabic defies sensible and logical explanation.

Khulusi develops a new approach to teaching Arabic grammar by stratifying the importance or strength of different parts of the sentence. He details the basic points that underpin grammatical theory and the morphological structure of the language. He deals with the rules that govern the assignment of the vowel signs and their re-designation with changes of meaning or grammatical function or construction. He considers what he refers to as the "hordes" of Arabic words known as ''Mabniyyat'' (built up) that do not permit grammatical changes. He explains the special privileges that different Arabic numerals have in the language, and the rules that govern their use in sentence construction.

Khulusi focuses his greatest attention on the structure of the verb system which he regards as "the backbone of the language" and cites this as the reason why Arabic has come to be considered as a "shorthand" language. He provides a simplified method for handling verb roots and applying various functions to these. He details and explains the various grammatical concepts associated with the verb system.

He notes that Arabic is suited to showing relations with more conciseness than many other languages because of the greater flexibility of verbs and nouns. He gives the example that 'ideas': break, shatter, try to break, cause to break, allow to be broken, break one another, ask someone to break, pretend to break. These are just some of the many variations of the fundamental verb system which can be expressed by vowel changes and consonantal arguments, without the aid of additional verbs and pronouns.

Khulusi goes on to describe other finer aspects of grammatical construction and the historical reasoning behind the established grammatical rules. He ventures that the complexities of the language can be simplified by knowledge of its history. He considers more traditional approaches to grammatical teaching and details their limitations.

''The Logical Basis of Arabic Grammar, A New Theory'' was well received in Arabic publications. Khulusi later summarized the theory and translated it into English.<ref>Safa A. Khulusi, "The Logical Basis of Arabic Grammar, A new theory", ''Islamic Review'', July/Aug 1970, p.31-34</ref> He adapted parts of the theory and incorporated it into later editions of his textbook ''The Art of Translation.''

==Journalism and Arabic literature==
Arabic literature from the 18th and 19th centuries reflects the scholarly interests of individual authors. Books and manuscripts retain, to a large degree, a coherent homogeneity and continuity in style and content. This, according to Khulusi, changed from the end of the 19th century when much of Arabic literature became the product of journalism and transformed into political literature. In his view, the advent of journalism was responsible for both the merits and defects of modern literature in Iraq.<ref name = "mal"/> Poets and writers would often begin their careers by writing for newspapers and later collect the contents of their articles and publish them as books. These publications were largely fragmented and lacked the linguistic harmony and literary balance of their predecessors.<ref name = "mal"/> Khulusi set out to record the early history of journalism in Iraq in order to provide the background and context with which the literature and the writers of the time could be more clearly viewed.

Journalism made its first rudimentary appearance in 1830 when the Governor of Baghdad [[Dawud Pasha]] ordered the publication of a daily newspaper that was distributed to military officers and to other dignitaries. To date no copies of this paper remain. The earliest paper that can be traced is ''al-Zawra'', which was first issued in 1869 at the time of the Ottoman governor, [[Midhat Pasha]]. ''al-Nahdha'' (The Revival) first released in 1913 and several other newspapers were published up to the time of departure of the Ottomans and arrival of the British in 1917, when the newspaper ''al-'Arab'' appeared. ''al-'Arab'' was primarily an instrument of the British authorities in Baghdad, and [[Razzuq Ghannam]] was appointed as its first editor. Ghannam went on to publish a sister paper to ''al-'Arab'' entitled ''al-'Iraq''. Later, with the establishment of a National Government, he ceased to be the official voice of the British authorities, although his papers retained a largely pro-British slant.<ref name = "mal"/>

Ghannam's greater importance, according to Khulusi, lies in the fact that he trained two of Iraq's most prominent journalists of the time, [[Tawfiq al-Sim'ani]] (b. 1902) and [[Raphael Butti]]. al-Sim'ani left ''al-'Iraq'' to publish his own paper ''al-'Ahd'' (The Era), and when this fell foul of the authorities and was suspended, he quickly replaced it with ''Sada al-'Ahd'' (Echoes of The Era). Both papers represented pro-British views, were reliable in their news coverage and were deeply rooted in [[Nuri as-Said|General Nuri al-Sa'id Pasha]]'s political party ''al-'Ahd''.<ref name = "mal"/>

al-Sim'ani's former colleague and later his bitter rival, Raphael Butti, published ''al-Bilad'' (The Country) in 1929. This paper became the voice of [[Yasin al-Hashimi|General Yasin Pasha al-Hashimi]]'s party, ''al-Ikha al-Watani'' (National Brotherhood), and was strongly anti-British. After ''al-Bilad'', Butti issued a second paper called ''al-Ikha aI-Watani'', leaving no doubts as to his political affiliation. Both of his papers were staunch supporters of the nationalist views of al-Hashimi, [[Rashid Ali al-Gaylani]] and Muhammad Zaki.<ref name = "mal"/>

It was not long before a third political party, ''al-Ahali'' (The People), well known for its socialist views, released its own paper on to the news-stands of Baghdad. According to Khulusi, only the publications of ''al-Ahali'' and ''al-Ikha al-Watani'' are of any lasting scholarly importance, as their papers opened their pages to literature, albeit mainly in the form of anti-government articles and poems. ''al-Ahali'' displayed a broader literary tendency by issuing special editions of their paper and celebrating in equal measures the birthday of the German poet [[Johann von Goethe]] and the victory of Saladin at the [[battle of Hattin]].<ref name = "mal"/>

[[Dhannun Ayyub]] (b. 1908) was a radical teacher who as a young man came to Baghdad from Mosul in the 1920s and sought to change established norms in Arabic literature and cultural convention. While teaching at a secondary school in Baghdad in the late 1930s, he founded a socialist monthly, ''al-Majalla'' (The Magazine). Although a purely literary periodical, according to Khulusi, it nevertheless nourished a predominantly socialist readership and was aligned to ''al-Ahali''. Ayyub's short stories dealt with the ills of society and the complaints of the poor. Arguably his best work, apart from his autobiography, was ''al-daktor Ibrahim'' (Doctor Ibrahim), a satire of an official in the Iraqi Ministry of Education who was Ayyub's nemesis. Of his other short stories, the best known are ''Sadiqi'' (My Friend), ''Burj Babel'' (Tower of Babel) and ''al-Kadihun'' (The Proletariat).<ref name = "mal"/>[[File:Baghdad 1935.jpg|thumb|400px|Khulusi indicates that in the era of political pluralism at the end of Ottoman rule, that the literary landscape of Iraq was transformed. Newspapers and journals supporting different political parties competed to attract readers with eloquent articles and poetic verses and at the same time furthered the literary ambitions of many notable authors. Photograph: abu-Hanifa Mosque, Baghdad, 1935]]

[[Fahmi al-Mudarris]] (1873–1944) was an academic whose literary career benefited from journalism. He managed the government press office in Baghdad where he was editor of ''al-Zawra''. According to Khulusi, al-Mudarris idolized Sultan [[Abd al-Hamid II]] for his religious views and his support for [[Jamal al-Din al-Afghani]]'s concept of [[Pan-Islamism]]. His literature reflected this even after Ottoman rule had ended and nationalism had taken hold in Iraq. In 1921, al-Mudarris was appointed to the position of Chief Chamberlain to King [[Faisal I]] and served as Dean of ''Jami'at Al al-Bait'' (Al al-Bait University) from 1924 to 1930. According to Khulusi, this was the nucleus for Faisal's long cherished project to establish the [[University of Baghdad]] but the scheme failed to reach fruition at that time. In 1935, when al-Hashimi and his nationalist party ''al-Ikha al-Watani'' came to power, al-Mudarris was appointed Director General of Education. Khulusi reports that he remained in post for only seventeen days and left after disagreement over the nationalist education plan of [[Sati' al-Husri]] (b. 1882) and the American-style system of education introduced by [[Muhammad Fadhel al-Jamali]]. al-Mudarris' newspaper articles written over many years were later published in two large volumes under the title ''Maqalat fi 'l-Siyasa wa 'l-Ijtima' '' (Articles on Politics and Sociology).<ref name = "mal"/>

[[Ibrahim Salih Shukur]] (d.1945) deserves a mention for the forthright and outspoken style of his articles, which according to Khulusi, was much admired by Iraqis. Among the 'sensational' papers that he edited were ''al-Nashi'ah'' (The Younger Generation), ''al-Zaman'' (The Times) and ''al-Mustaqbal'' (The Future). His papers were often short-lived. ''al-Zaman'' lasted for less than one day. Most of its copies disappeared in its first morning and what remained attracted highly inflated prices. This was all because of a controversial article on [[Muzahim al-Pachachi]] (b. 1891). al-Pachachi was a respected and powerful political figure in Iraq. Shukur, however, did not have such a high regard for him and his article entitled: ''Hafnatu Turab 'ala Marqad al-Pachachi Muzahim al-Amin'' (A Handful of Soil on the Grave of al-Pachachi Muzahim al-Amin) resulted in a prison sentence for Shukur and the closure of ''al-Zaman''. According to Khulusi, Shukur should not only be remembered for his literary work but also for his part in the failed military [[1941 Iraqi coup d'état|revolt of 1941]], when he was the ''Qaimmaqam'' (Assistant Governor) of the frontier town through which the deposed fugitive leader [[Rashid Ali al-Gaylani]] passed into Persia before heading for Berlin.<ref name = "mal"/>

[[Ibrahim Hibni al-'Umar]] (1895–1941) began his career with ''al-Nahdha'' (The Revival) in 1913 and later contributed to a series of other publications including ''Lisan al-'Arab'' (Language of The Arabs), ''al-'Amal'' (The Hope) and ''Nida al-Sha'b'' (Call of the Nation). al-'Umar had a particular literary style which was best nurtured through journalism. According to Khulusi, he wrote articles with completely opposing views on the same subject under different pen-names and often only the style and terminology of his compositions gave him away. His most famous literary work was ''Suq al Nukhasa fi Geneve'' (The Slave Market in Geneva), in which he satirized the [[League of Nations]].<ref name = "mal"/>

[[Hikmat Sulayman]] (b. 1889–1964) is important in the history of both Iraqi politics and literature. Sulayman published the newspaper ''al-Bayan'' (The Statement) and formed a literary group which attracted high-profile figures including members of ''al-Ahali''. His group included many who had pro-Ottoman views and was imbued with Pan-Islamism. More significantly, according to Khulusi, the group attracted important members of the fighting force which eventually brought about the ''coup d'etat'' of 1936 under the leadership of [[Bakr Sidqi|General Bekir Sidqi Pasha]] which ousted al-Hashimi and ''al-Ikha al-Watani'' from power. Sulayman was installed as Prime Minister and brought into his government socialist elements from ''al-Ahali''. The new regime raised the profile of poets and writers from Sulayman's original literary group. However, in Khulusi's view many of them were later disappointed by a government which appeared no different from the one that it had replaced, a sentiment best expressed by the poet Muhammad Mahdi al-Jawahiri:
: ''Graves have moved, and people who we thought long dead''
: ''Have torn their winding sheets and come to life again. '' <ref name = "mal"/>

[[Ja'far al-Khalili]] was a modern and enlightened Muslim author based in [[Najaf]] who founded a purely literary group. He edited ''al-Ra'i'' (The Shepherd) and ''al-Fajar al-Sadiq'' (The True Dawn) in the 1930s, and later developed ''al-Hatif'' which according to Khulusi was devoted to short stories and serialized fiction, largely written by the editor himself. His most famous work was ''fi Qura al-Jinn'' (In the Villages of the Demons), a clever satire of Iraqi society in Najaf at that time, which was serialized and later published in book form. al-Khalili published other collections of short stories, such as ''al-Dha'i' '' (The Forlorn), ''Hadith al-Quwwah'' (A Discourse on Power) and '' 'Indama Kuntu Qadhiyan'' (When I was a Judge), an account of a number of cases which he tried in his capacity as the judge of a religious court. al-Khalili later transferred his office from Najaf to Baghdad, and transformed ''al-Hatif'' from a literary weekly into a political daily but still retained a regular space for subjects of literary interest. According to Khulusi, the work of al-Khalili is of lasting historical and scholarly interest with its casual use of colloquialism coloured with socialist principles, as it portray Iraqi society with all its shortcomings and demonstrates the common spoken idioms used in Iraq in the first half of the 20th century.<ref name = "mal"/>

Khulusi's uncle, [[Abdul Majid Lutfi]] (1905–1992), was a staunch supporter and regular contributor to ''al-Hatif'' in its original literary form. Lutfi was a poet, essayist and short story writer. Arabic papers and periodical carried regular contribution from him in the 1930s and 40s. A Syrian daily newspaper declared him to be one of the most prolific contributors to the Arab press at that time. During World War II he was awarded a BBC literary prize for his poem ''Jabal Tariq'' (Gibraltar). Lutfi was a keen follower of the Syro-American school of writers, especially Gibran Khalil Gibran, whom he later elegized in a memorable piece of literature. It was this fondness for the new literary school that according to Khulusi, affected Lutfi's verse as well his prose and gave his writings a unique flavour. One of Lutfi's publications was ''Asda al-Zaman'' (The Echoes of Time), a conglomeration of prose and verse published in 1936. This form of blank verse was received with enthusiasm by the younger generation of writers as an invigorating and modern development but was bitterly criticised by conservative scholars. Apart from ''Asda al-Zaman'' his other works included the novel ''Qalb Umm'' (A Mother's Heart) and the play ''Khatimat Musiqar'' (The Fate of a Musician). Lutfi's style contrasted that of established authors including Fahmi al-Mudarris, Ibrahim Shukur and Raphael Butti.<ref name = "mal"/>

Later in his career Lutfi published other works in Arabic including ''Tasabi al-Kalimat'' (Rejuvenation of Words) which Khulusi rendered into English.<ref name = "juv"/> Lutfi wrote extensively on social and cultural topics. His novels used fiction to tackle the controversial issues of the time particularly relating to the rights of women to education and in marriage.<ref>Women on a journey between Baghdad and London by Haifa Zangana, translated by Judy Cumberbatch, University of Texas Press, 2000.</ref> Many of his later publications were in the Kurdish language. This together with his Kurdish nationalist views and his family roots from Khanaqin, in the Kurdistan region of northern Iraq, established him as an important figure in the literary and national history of the Kurds.


==Arabic poetry in English==
==Arabic poetry in English==
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Umm Nizar is followed into print by a number of other women including her daughter [[Nazik Al-Malaika]], who writes emotional, imaginative and rebellious odes. [[Lami'a 'Abbas 'Amara]] is noted for her humour and epigrammatic lines. [['Atika Wahbi al-Khazraji]] versifies the tragedy of ''Majnoon Layla''. [[Fatina al-Naib]], better known by her pen-name Saduf al-'Ubaydiyya, composes poetry for her own personal enjoyment rather than public acclaim and eventually finds that she has completed the contents of four volumes. Khulusi renders entire poems and extracts of this ground-breaking literary work and illustrates the range and versatility of these pioneering women.<ref name = "ati"/><ref name = "kha"/><ref name = "wom"/>
Umm Nizar is followed into print by a number of other women including her daughter [[Nazik Al-Malaika]], who writes emotional, imaginative and rebellious odes. [[Lami'a 'Abbas 'Amara]] is noted for her humour and epigrammatic lines. [['Atika Wahbi al-Khazraji]] versifies the tragedy of ''Majnoon Layla''. [[Fatina al-Naib]], better known by her pen-name Saduf al-'Ubaydiyya, composes poetry for her own personal enjoyment rather than public acclaim and eventually finds that she has completed the contents of four volumes. Khulusi renders entire poems and extracts of this ground-breaking literary work and illustrates the range and versatility of these pioneering women.<ref name = "ati"/><ref name = "kha"/><ref name = "wom"/>

==Literary history of Ma'ruf al-Rusafi==
[[File:Ma'ruf al-Rusafi 1928.jpg|thumb|400px| Ma'ruf al-Rusafi at a ceremony to lay the foundation stone for a new school in Baghdad in 1929. His political views were often expressed in poetic verse at public gatherings.]]

[[Maruf al Rusafi|Ma'ruf al-Rusafi]] was a revolutionary poet and a controversial character who Khulusi held in high regard.<ref name = "rus">Safa Khulusi, Ma’ruf Al-Rusafi (1875–1945). ''The Muslim World'', Hartford Seminary Foundation, LXVII No.1, 1977.</ref> Rusafi was born in 1875 in al-Qaraghul, a modest quarter of Baghdad. He studied Arabic literature and theology with the savant Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi (1856–1924). He was invited to Istanbul by ‘The Arab Friends Association’ to edit the Arabic language magazine ''Sabil al-Rashad'' (The Path of Reason). According to Khulusi, Rusafi declared his republican revolutionary tenets within earshot of the Ottoman Sultan [[Abdul Hamid II]] as early as 1898, exclaiming in one of his odes "It is because it is republican, that government can remove the blindness of those who are led astray."<ref name = "diw">Diwan al Rusafi, Al-Maktaba al-Tijariyya al-Kubra, Matba'at al Istiqama, 4th Edition, Cairo 1958.</ref> Rusafi inveighs against the [[Ottoman Caliphate]]. To him the [[Sublime Porte]] is a corrupt black-market for preference and promotion.<ref name = "rus"/> He says "no government that is run by a sacrosanct personage will ever last".<ref name = "diw"/> Rusafi remained in Istanbul, lecturing at ''Madrasat al-Wa'izin'' (School of Preachers) and publishing poems opposing the autocratic Sultan and promoting the concept of a confederation of Muslim states within the Ottoman Empire.<ref name = "rus"/>

According to Khulusi, Rusafi's political views at that time are captured in his poetry, in particular ''Fi Salanik'' (In Salonika), in which he visualises the army's march against the Sultan.<ref name = "rus"/><ref name = "diw"/> Rusafi's association with the [[Committee of Union and Progress]] aided his election to the [[Chamber of Deputies of the Ottoman Empire]]. It was here that he first met a fellow Arab member of the Ottoman Parliament, [[Faisal I of Iraq|Faisal]], son of the Sharif of Mecca.<ref name = "rus"/>
In Khulusi's opinion, Rusafi made a series of calculated decisions based on his political beliefs that affected not only the direction of his life but influenced his literary legacy. He attacked the [[Arab Congress of 1913]] for threatening the unity of the Ottoman Empire. He dismissed the [[Arab Revolt]] under [[T. E. Lawrence]] and satirised [[Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca]] when he seceded from the Ottoman thrall in 1916.<ref name = "rus"/>

With the defeat of the Ottomans at the end of World War I, Rusafi was compelled to leave Istanbul, travelling first to Damascus and then on to Jerusalem before finally returning to Baghdad. Rusafi was marginalised when Hussein's son [[Faisal I of Iraq|Faisal]], his former colleague in the Ottoman Parliament, established a government in Syria in 1920.<ref name = "rus"/> He found sanctuary in Jerusalem where he lectured at the Teachers College, thanks to the intervention of [[Raghib al-Nashashibi]]. While in Jerusalem, Rusafi was heavily criticised for failing to use his poetry to resonate Arab nationalist sentiments during the momentous events of [[Franco-Syrian War|1920 in Syria and Palestine]].<ref name = "jer">Safa Khulusi, Ma'ruf ar-Rusafi in Jerusalem, in Arabic and Islamic garland: historical, educational and literary papers presented to Abdul-Latif Tibawi, Islamic Cultural Centre, London p 147-152, 1977.</ref> As a result, Rusafi's academic role in Palestine became untenable. The problem was resolved in 1921 when he received a telegram from [[Hikmat Sulayman]], inviting him to return to Baghdad as editor of a newspaper supporting Talib Pasha al-Naqib's aspiration to become head of a new Iraqi state. By the time Rusafi reached Baghdad, al-Naqib had been arrested at a tea party held by [[Gertrude Bell]] and deported to India, paving the way for Faisal, who had lost his throne in Syria, to become the king of Iraq. Rusafi had once again backed the losing side, this time in opposing Britain's plans for Faisal in Iraq.<ref name = "rus"/>

Rusafi was never reconciled to the presence of the British in Iraq. When asked by Khulusi about the oft-quoted line from one of his poems "The British have ambitious designs against your country, which will not end unless you turn [[Bolshevism|Bolshevik]]."<ref name = "diw"/> Rusafi replied that "The whole poem was composed in a spasm of rage against the British who blindly followed the advice of a pack of fools who did not represent our country. They refused to listen to the advice I offered in 1921 to [[Gertrude Bell]]. She was to have passed it on to the [[Secretary of State for the Colonies|Colonial Secretary]], [[Winston Churchill]]." The poem was written on the occasion of the [[Cairo Conference (1921)|Cairo Conference]] in March 1921, which ended with an accord to implement the [[Sykes–Picot Agreement]] of 1916. According to Khulusi, Rusafi's advice to the [[Government of the United Kingdom|British government]] was to establish a republic in Iraq under the presidency of [[Abd Al-Rahman Al-Gillani]] and the premiership of Talib Pasha al-Naqib. He warned them that their plan to establish an Iraqi kingdom for Faisal would face popular opposition. The message that returned to Rusafi was that Churchill had rejected his suggestion and had said: “I will carry the burden of all the opposition on these shoulders.” Khulusi notes that as Rusafi's political ambitions faltered, so his poems against Faisal and the institutions of his government became increasingly acrid and vicious.<ref name = "rus"/>

Rusafi's literary venture into modern history was ''al-Risala al-'Iraqiyya'', (The Iraqi Epistle). When reading this together with him, Khulusi raised several objections, some Rusafi accepted, others he resentfully rejected. Khulusi sympathised with Rusafi's view that [[Ghazi of Iraq|King Ghazi]]'s death in a car accident was suspicious and could have been the result of a plot by [[Nuri al-Sa'id]]. At the time of his death, Ghazi was secretly working for union between Iraq and Kuwait, to which the British government objected on the grounds of a lack of popular support.<ref name = "rus"/>

Whatever his opponents thought of his political views, according to Khulusi no one questioned Rusafi's abilities as a poet or disputed that he attained the apogee of his ability in his declamatory poetry. English rendering of one such poem is best articulated by [[Arthur John Arberry]]<ref name = "arb">Arthur J. Arberry, ''Modern Arabic Poetry, An Anthology with English Verse Translation'' (London: Taylor's Foreign Press, 1950), Cambridge Oriental Series, No.1, pp. 3–4 (Arabic) and 3–4 (English).</ref>
[[File:Timthal sha'ir al-Iraq Ma'ruf al-Rusafi.jpg|thumb|400px|left|Monument to Ma'ruf al-Rusafi, in the heart of the old town in Baghdad, close to where the poet was born.<ref name = "rus"/>]]

:''Begone, begone, Baghdad! Depart from me; ''
:''No wise am I of thee, nor mine art thou:''
:''Yet though I suffered oft and much of thee,''
:''Baghdad, it pains me to behold thee now''
:''Upon the brink of great catastrophe.''
:''Misfortune past, misfortune fell upon''
:''Thy life so sweet, and turned it all to rue;''
:''Canst thou no more produce a noble son?''
:''Nay, thou art barren of the free, the true,''
:''whose sons of old were heroes, everyone.''

According to Khulusi, John Haywood also produced commendable renderings of Rusafi's odes including ''The Negative Truth About Me'' and ''At a Game of Football''. Haywood echoes the common Iraqi view that ‘Rusafi could write a poem on any subject, however seemingly unpromising.’<ref name = "hay">John A Haywood, ''Modern Arabic Literature (1800–1970)'' London: Lund Humphries, pp. 112–114, 1971.</ref> In Khulusi's view, Rusafi was ruthless, harsh, impulsive and tactless in his satires particularly when attacking the authority of a monarch or exploring uncomfortable themes in poems such as ''al-Yatim fi 'l-'id'' (The Orphan on the Day of Festival), ''al-Faqr wa 'l-Suqam'' (Poverty and Illness), ''Umm al-Yatim'' (The Orphan's Mother) and ''al-Mutallaqa'' (The Divorced Woman). Arguably the most powerful of these is ''al-Sijnu fi Baghdad'' (The Prison in Baghdad), in which he describes the miserable condition of the prisoners and their ill treatment. It's in this poem that Rusafi makes his famous statement, “''Li anna‘l-Haqqa lam yata Baghdadi'' (Because justice is not yet a Baghdadi)” in answer to a complaint from a prisoner demanding to know why he had been imprisoned for no reason. In all of these poems his language is closer to the colloquial than in the declamatory poems, where the style and vocabulary are sophisticated and highly classical. Rusafi's literary critics, especially his inveterate adversary, Jalal al-Hanafi, in his book ''al-Rusafi fi awjih wa hadidih'' (Rusafi in his Apogee and Perigee), note that Rusafi gives colloquialism an unwarranted place both in his verse and prose.<ref name = "rus"/>

Khulusi believes that Rusafi is the only traditional, classical poet, in the Arabic language, who approved of both [[blank verse]] and [[free verse]]. His broad definition of poetry covers much that is regarded by classicists and purists as ornate prose, ''al-shi'r al-manthur'' ([[prose poetry]]). For Khulusi, Rusafi had a hypnotic manner in his recital with an overwhelming sense of the movement of the meter. He had the ability to hypnotize his audience to such an extent that frequently the listeners uttered the rhyme word before the poet.<ref name = "rus"/>

As with his politics and his poetry, Rusafi's religious views also courted controversy. His belief in a mystical interpretation of Islam gave rise in 1934 to what Khulusi considers his ''Magnum opus'', ''al-Shakhsiyya al-Muhammadiyya aw Hall al-Lughz al-Muqaddas'' (The Personality of Muhammad or the Solution of the Sacred Enigma). In it he asserted that the Prophet Muhammad was at one with the universe and God, and that his word was that of God. This was Rusafi's interpretation of the principle of 'revelation' and gave an alternative view to the concept of the 'messenger of God'. His unorthodox religious views were seized upon by his political opponents and used to ferment opposition to him. The situation reached its climax with publication of Rusafi's ''Rasa'il al-Ta'liqat'' (The Commentary Epistles) in 1944. This provoked outrage amongst some theologians and demands that he should be 'stripped of his Iraqi nationality and exiled to ''bilad al-kufr'' (the land of the infidels)'. When Khulusi was questioned by government officials investigating the matter, he told them that he did not see anything in Rusafi's book beyond the doctrines of [[Monism]] and [[Sufism]], that he did not know where ''bilad al-kufr'' was and that those who were agitating against Rusafi should themselves be in ''bilad al-jahl wa 'l-ta'assub'' (the realm of ignorance and fanaticism).<ref name = "rus"/>


==Selected publications==
==Selected publications==

Revision as of 22:26, 15 July 2022

Safa Khulusi
صفاء عبد العزيز خلوصي
Safa Khulusi (age 24 years) as he appears on the cover of his first novel published in 1941
Born(1917-08-17)17 August 1917
Died8 September 1995(1995-09-08) (aged 78)
London, England
Occupation(s)Linguist, writer, poet, journalist, translator, lexicographer, historian
SpouseSabiha Al-Dabbagh

Safa Abdul-Aziz Khulusi (Arabic: صفاء عبد العزيز خلوصي‎; 1917–1995) was an Iraqi historian, novelist, poet, journalist and broadcaster. He is known for mediating between Arabic- and English-language cultures, and for his scholarship of modern Iraqi literature. He is also remembered for his theories on Arabic grammar, on Shakespeare, as well as his role in Islamic education and his work on the poetry of al-Mutanabbi.

Background and career

Khulusi was born in Baghdad, the son of a lawyer. His mother died when he was four years old.[1] His family originates from Khanaqin. His grandfather resettled the family in Baghdad where he served as an officer in the Ottoman army, but was killed during the military withdrawal from Mesopotamia at the end of World War I.

Khulusi was inspired to pursue a literary career from an early age by his uncle, the novelist and poet Abdul-Majid Lutfi.[1][2][3] Khulusi travelled to London in 1935 on an academic scholarship,[4] living there until the latter stages of World War II and insisting on staying in the city during The Blitz. He returned to Iraq late in the war.[1]

An Arab nationalist, Khulusi turned down an offer of a ministerial position in the post-war British administration of Iraq. Instead, he divided his time between Britain and Iraq, establishing an academic career in both countries. His first novel Nifous Maridha (Sick Souls) was published in 1941, when he was 24 years old. His first academic post was as a lecturer in Arabic Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University. During his tenure (1945–50) he completed a PhD in Arabic literature in 1947.[4] In 1951 he was appointed as Professor of Arabic at the University of Baghdad. He also served as head of the Arabic Department at Al-Mustansiriya University.[1]

In 1959, Khulusi married Sabiha Al-Dabbagh (1922–1998), one of the first women to graduate as a medical doctor in Iraq.[5] Following postgraduate training in the United States she returned to practice in Baghdad, where she was introduced to Khulusi. She later became a regular contributor to health programmes on the Arabic section of the BBC World Service and a campaigner for women's health in the Middle East.[5][6] The couple had two children, a son and a daughter.[1][5]

Khulusi's work mediated modern European and American developments in scholarship. He extended the academic tradition of comparative literature, publishing Dirasat fi al-Adab al-Muqarin wa al-Mathahib al-Adabia (Studies in Comparative Literature and Western Literary Schools) in 1957, and al-Tarjama al-Tahlilia (Analytical Translation) in the same year. Although concentrating on literary and historical scholarship, Khulusi also published novels, short stories and poetry during this period. In addition, he translated modern Iraqi literature into English, publishing a number of translations of the work of Atika Wahbi Al-Khazraji.[7] In Oxford in 1972, he became one of the editors of the Concise Oxford English-Arabic Dictionary of Current Usage which sought to match new developments in both languages. He later published A Dictionary of Contemporary Idiomatic Usage. His books Fann al-Tarjama (The Art of Translation) and Fann al-Taqti' al-Shi'ri wa al-Qafia (The Art of Poetry: Composition and Prosody) were widely read and went through many editions. He was also a regular broadcaster on the BBC's Arabic service and a presenter of cultural programmes on Iraqi television.[1]

While participating in the Arabic literary revival Khulusi attempted to remain ‘neutral’ in the unstable politics of the era. In 1958 the king Faisal II of Iraq and his family were overthrown in a violent revolution. One of their executioners was an army officer who had been one of Khulusi's students. Many years later, when Khulusi met the man again and questioned him on his role in the king's death, the former student answered "all I did was remember Palestine, and the trigger on the machine-gun just set itself off".[1] During Saddam Hussein's regime Khulusi spent most of his time in England where he enjoyed a greater freedom of expression in his writing, returning to Iraq for a couple of months a year to avoid the English winter. On one such visit, he explained to a friend who asked why he didn't remain in Baghdad permanently, "Our roots are here, but it's there that we flower best."[1]

Khulusi was a devout Muslim. He was one of a group of scholars who assisted in the academic and religious reformation of the madrasas in Najaf.[8] Khulusi was elected Chairman of the National Muslim Education Council of the UK. He sought to improve Islamic education, while also supporting co-operation between faiths. He also defended traditions of tolerance within Islam. He wrote widely for Muslim publications.[1]

Islam Our Choice

In his book Islam Our Choice, first published in 1961, Khulusi set out a collection of personal accounts from individuals who converted to Islam from other religions. The extracts, many sourced from The Islamic Review, were collected over a number of years and provide an insight into the spiritual, social and cultural factors that led influential individuals to embrace Islam in the first half of the 20th century.

Two of the more famous converts included by Khulusi were the Irish peer Rowland Allanson-Winn, 5th Baron Headley (1855–1935) and the English baronet Sir 'Abdullah' Archibald Hamilton 5th and 3rd Baronet (1876–1939). The former became known by the adopted Muslim name Shaikh Rahmatullah al-Farooq. He converted to Islam in 1913 and went on to write several books on Islam, including A Western Awakening to Islam (1914) and Three Great Prophets of the World (1923). The latter, like many others in the book, was attracted to the 'simple purity' of Islam.[9]

'The democracy of Islam' as described by the American convert Donald Rockwell in 1935, where 'potentate and pauper have the same rights on their knees in humble worship'.[10] (Illustration: Prayer on the Housetops in Cairo by Jean-Leon Gerome, 1865)

Other common themes amongst Western converts to Islam are largely summarised by the American Donald Rockwell, who became a Muslim in 1935. He was inspired by the religion's teachings on temperance and moderation, by its broadminded tolerance of other faiths and by its freedom from idolatry. He also cites Islam's rules on charity and the pioneering declaration on Women's property rights. He remarks on the earnestness of the faithful in answering the call to prayer and the compelling atmosphere of the great mosques of the East in fostering contemplation and self-effacement. Colonel Rockwell was Editor-in-Chief of Radio Personalities and author of Beyond the Brim and Bazaar of Dreams.[10]

Another part of Khulusi's book details some of the influential non-Muslim writers who showed a regard for Islamic teaching, culture and history during the Age of Enlightenment. Amongst these is Simon Ockley, a Cambridge scholar, who is noted for his book History of the Saracens (1712–18), a remarkable publication for its time, because of its generous tone towards Islam. Voltaire is also included for his fight for religious tolerance, outlined in the passionate Traité sur la Tolérance, (1763).

Gotthold Lessing, hampered by the censor, gives his ideas the shape of a drama, Nathan der Weise (1779), which he bases on the Oriental legend of the Three Rings. The play, regarded as a defence of religious tolerance and religious values, was later translated into many languages.[10]

Johann Gottfried Herder, an outstanding scholar of theology, approaches the Arabic field through a scholarship of Hebrew literature and poetry.[11] Herder achieves knowledge of Arabic civilisation and becomes familiar with the pre-Muslim poems of the Mu'allaqat, translated and published by Sir William Jones (1783). He earnestly describes Muhammad as "an accomplished offspring of his tribe and town, of his nation and of its history, and a genius in its magnificent language."[10]

In his schooldays Johann Wolfgang von Goethe acquired a copy of the Qur'an in the Classical Latin translation of 1698, which had been re-edited in Leipzig in 1740. The original translation was the work of Louis Maracci (a scholar working with Pope Innocent XI). Goethe translated some of the passages into German and began to design a play about Muhammad, fragments of which remain. Mahomet's Nachthymne is a poem from 1773, the last strophe of which is a monologue of Muhammad and is one of the fragments of the unfinished play. For the first time in Western literature, Goethe represented Muhammad as a prophet of God.[10][12]

Saladin in Jerusalem. The Eastern tale of the Muslim leader Saladin and the Jewish merchant Melchizedek was adapted by Gotthold Lessing into the drama Nathan der Weise and used to introduce the concept of religious tolerance into Western Europe. Religious censorship at that time prevented performances of the play until after Lessing's death.[10]

Goethe devoted himself to Oriental studies during the latter stages of the Napoleonic Wars. The result was the West Eastern Divan (1819), which comprises a garland of verses in an Oriental style, deep interpretations of Eastern thought and profound love poems and a set of scholarly essays. In the remarkable prose essays Noten und Anhandlungen Goethe gives the background to Hebrew, Arabic and Persian poetry. The chapter on Muhammad gives the fundamentals of Islam and a character-sketch of the Prophet.

Goethe's Oriental studies are considered an 'escape' from war-ridden Europe to a more peaceful East, where the poet views 'a wise religion, a contented civilisation and elements of the patriarchal age'. This escape he refers to in the title of his poem Hejira. In the poem he says, "When North and West and South splinter, thrones burst and empires tremble, flee to the pure East and breathe the air of the patriarchs." There follows what appears to be the motto of the Divan:

Gottes ist der Orient,
Gottes ist der Occident.
Nord' und suedliches Gelaende,
Ruht im Frieden seiner Haende.

(God is the Orient, God is the Occident, The North and the South, all rest in the Peace of His hands) which seems to be a free rendering in accomplished verse of Sura' II, 115 from the Qur'an.[10]

Thomas Carlyle became an inspired and re-inspiring pupil of Goethe, corresponding with him from 1820 until Goethe's death in 1832. He delivered a series of lectures on heroic leadership which were later compiled into a book, Heroes and Hero-worship (1840). The second lecture was devoted to Muhammad and Islam, in which he refutes misrepresentations "that are disgraceful to ourselves" and gives his own deeply personal and respectful views of Islam based on historic events. He goes on to quote the words of Goethe: “We resign ourselves to God. If this be Islam, do we not all live in Islam?”[10]

Khulusi's book suggests that Western appreciation of Islam became unambiguous and overt in scholastic works during the Age of Enlightenment. It then flourished further as the desire grew for an understanding of the essentials of faith. However, amongst notable intellectuals the impetus had its roots long before then and was intertwined with the quest to learn the language and understand the culture of the Arabs. By the 20th century, appreciation of Islam was also joined by conversion to the religion by those in the West who wished to be associated more closely with the fundamental teachings and practices of Islam.

Abu Nuwas in America

His novel Abu Nuwas fi Amrika (Abu Nuwas in America), written during Khulusi's sojourn in Chicago, has been called an "hilarious satire" recounting the extraordinary adventures that befall the Abbasid poet Abu Nuwas, wine- and boy-lover, when he is miraculously transported into America, from his presence on a stamp brought into that country. Part parody of Arabic works on the bewildering experience of life in the West, part picaresque novel, it has the hero tour the louche subcultures, gay and heterosexual, of America from Queens through Las Vegas to Los Angeles, while rising ineluctably to become an authority in the United States on the Arab world.[13]

Notwithstanding the high satiric energy of the novel, Khulusi's intention was to introduce American culture to an Arab readership. He compares Iraqi and American nationalism and the practice of religion in his adopted culture with the Muslim faith. He concludes that, just as American identity comes from a melting pot of peoples, so too is Arab identity, a cultural commitment by peoples of markedly different ethnic background who have come to intermarry, and replace the allegiance of blood with an attachment to a shared language and culture.[13][14]

Shakespeare and the theory of Arab ancestry and Arabic influence

The Chandos portrait of Shakespeare. Khulusi argued that the dusky features and pointed 'Islamic' beard were evidence of Shakespeare's Arabic ethnicity.[15]

Following the lead of the 19th-century Arab scholar Ahmad Faris Shidyaq, Khulusi wrote an article in the Arabic Journal, al-Ma'rifa (The Knowledge), in 1960[16] which attempted to prove that William Shakespeare may have had Arab ancestry, the original form of his surname being 'Shaykh Zubayr'. Khulusi suggested that the family name originated from Zubayr,[17] an autonomous province in the Ottoman Empire ruled by an Emir (or Shaykh), hence 'Shaykh Zubayr', a name which he suggested was then anglicized to Shakespeare. Khulusi notes that Shakespeare had many variations in the spelling of his name, including hyphenated forms. He suggests that a name that is unusual may produce many written versions, and that the hyphenated variants, such as 'Shake-speare', could reflect an original that is composed of two parts.

Khulusi records some of the known details about Shakespeare, including his birth and early life in Stratford-upon-Avon, details of his parents and his literary career. He suggests however, that information relating to Shakespeare's ancestral origin is lacking and believes that evidence pointing to his Arab ancestry is reflected in his choice of writing style and the content of his work, as well as in his own personal appearance.[4] He comments on Shakespeare's possible ancestral lineage based on physical features in the Chandos portrait, which was painted during Shakespeare's lifetime.[18]

In other parts of his theory, Khulusi identifies words originating from Arabic that appear in Shakespearian plays and sonnets and argues that their use is more common than expected for that time. Certain words were unheard of before being introduced by Shakespeare. The earliest literary use in English of the word assassination (from the Arabic word ħashshāshīyīn) is in Macbeth.[19]

Khulusi notes the observations of Walt Taylor (Arabic Words in English, 1933) that about a thousand main words of Arabic origin and many more of their derivatives, were incorporated into the English language through translations of French, Spanish and Latin re-workings of Arabic texts (mainly scientific and medical). However, about a third of all loan words (mainly conversational), were taken directly from Arabic, from the end of the 16th century to the time of the Restoration. Many of the words are now obsolete or rare but the ones still in everyday use have a completely English appearance, accent, stress and pronunciation. By all appearance they are not consciously regarded as Arabic. In contrast, more recent borrowings have neither settled pronunciation nor settled form. Taylor suggests that the absorption of Arabic words directly into English was the result of increased travel and trade as well as direct contact with both Arabic speakers and texts.[18]

Khulusi adds that it was around this time that Arabic began to be studied in England. William Bedwell (1561–1632) is credited with introducing formal academic studies in Arabic. The Archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud (1573–1645), in his role as Chancellor of the University of Oxford, recognised the importance to English of Arabic as a source of reference material. He procured numerous original Arabic manuscripts and books for the University, housing them in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. He created the position of Professor of Arabic in 1636, appointing the Chaplain of Aleppo, Edward Pococke, as the first Laudian Professor of Arabic at The University of Oxford. Pococke was tasked with returning to the East and collecting further Arabic scholastic and scientific works. He was accompanied by other academics and scientists, returning to England a few years later, with numerous Arabic texts.[18] The astronomer John Greaves travelled with Pococke and secured valuable Arabic manuscripts for his own work. He was later appointed as Savilian Professor of Astronomy at the University of Oxford.

File:Arabic features of Shakespeare.jpg
Khulusi evaluates and annotates scores of lines from Shakespeare's plays that he believes directly refer or allude to Arabic language, customs, traditions and mythology.[18]

Khulusi speculates about the inclusion of large numbers of Arabic geographic locations and place names in Shakespeare's work. He details Arab countries from North Africa that are referred to by Shakespeare, including Egypt, Morocco, Tunis (Tunisia), Mauritania, Argier (Algeria) and Libya. While from the Middle East he mentions Palestine, Syria, Arabia (Saudi) and Mesopotamia (Iraq). In addition Khulusi remarks on the references to various Eastern cities in Shakespeare's plays, including Alexandria, Memphis, Tyre, Jerusalem, Aleppo, Antioch, Damascus and Tripoli. He also specifies Arab historical sites and natural and geographic features covered in Shakespeare's work.[20] He indicates that the influence of the physical and natural Arab world is unusually pervasive and includes lines and extracts from Shakespeare's work to illustrate this. The following are a small number of the examples that he includes:

Let the bird of loudest lay,
On the sole Arabian tree,
Herald sad and trumpet be,
To whose sound chaste wings obey. The Phoenix and the Turtle
And so to Tripoli, if God lend me life. The Taming of the Shrew. IV, ii
I know a lady in Venice would have walked barefoot to Palestine for a touch of his nether lip. Othello. IV, iii
Drop tears as fast as the Arabian trees their medicinal gum. Othello. V, ii
The Hyrcanian deserts and the vasty wilds
Of wide Arabia are as thoroughfares now
For princes to come view fair Portia. Merchant of Venice. II, vii
This be Damascus, be thou cursed Cain,
To slay thy brother Abel, if thou wilt. King Henry VI, part I. I, iii
If she be furnish’d with a mind so rare,
She is alone the Arabian bird, and I
Have lost the wager.
Boldness be my friend!
Arm me, audacity, from head to foot! Cymbeline. I, vi
A statelier pyramis to her I'll rear
Than Rhodope’s or Memphis’ ever was: King Henry VI, part I: I, vi
A living drollery. Now I will believe
That there are unicorns, that in Arabia
There is one tree, the phoenix' throne, one phoenix
At this hour reigning there. The Tempest. III, iii
Her husband’s to Aleppo gone, master o’ the Tiger: Macbeth. I, iii
Here's the smell of the blood still: all the perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten this little hand. Macbeth. V, i

Khulusi notes the writing of William Bliss (The Real Shakespeare, 1947) that Shakespeare may have travelled “on board the ship the Tiger to Tripoli at some time between 1585–93 which was wrecked in the Adriatic on the way back home.”[21] He argues that as a result of visiting North Africa, Shakespeare gained material for his work, and that his plays bear similarities to much earlier Arabic stories. He finds similarities in plots, characters, and even dialogue. Othello, The Moor of Venice, he says "has a reflection in The Arabian Nights tale of Qamar Al-Zaman (Arabian Nights 962–967)" and that his name may have originated from Ata-Allah (The Gift of God), a name common in North Africa, while The Merchant of Venice 'bears similarities' to the story of Masrur The Merchant and Zayn al-Mawasif. The plot of The Tempest is similar to that of The Isle of Treasures in The Arabian Nights (Suhail Edition, Vol. V, p. 238–242), and the characters of both Caliban and Ariel find their counterparts in The Nights story. Macbeth he says "embraces three Arabian tales in one story", The Three Witches, Zarqa Al-Yamamah, and the story of the Himyarite 'Amr and King Hassan.[21] This resemblance between Macbeth and the Arabian stories was first noted by Reynold Nicholson in his book A Literary History of The Arabs.[22]

Shakespeare may have become familiar with Eastern story themes and plots through European sources containing reworked and translated Eastern tales. One source being Giovanni Boccaccio's The Decameron. Boccaccio (d.1375) freely admits that his frame story collection of a hundred tales is heavily influenced by earlier stories. Many of these have origins in Arab (including Spanish-Moorish), Persian and Sanskrit literature. Aspects of Cymbeline, for example, are recognisable in The Decameron story II 9. Khulusi adds that some of the details in plays such as Macbeth, Othello and The Merchant of Venice have such a close affinity to their Eastern counterparts, that these details must have been sourced from the Eastern originals rather than via an intermediate step.[23][18]

Khulusi reports on an exhaustive inventory of Shakespearian lines and phrases that he believes show 'Arabic influence'. One of the many examples that he gives:

Was mahomet inspired with a dove? Thou with an eagle art inspired then. Henry VI. i, 1:2.

He says that symbolically Shakespeare shows deference to the Prophet Muhammad and to Islam. However, he adds another more literal interpretation. Islamic history records that Qur'anic verses were revealed to the Prophet Muhammad by the angel Jibra’il (Gabriel) who appeared with angelic wings of a dove thus ‘inspiring’ Muhammad to believe in his authenticity and that of his message. Khulusi suggests that Shakespeare may have had an understanding of Islamic history.[18]

Khulusi studies Shakespeare's language in terms of its grammar and compares this to Arabic grammar. According to Edwin Abbott (Shakespearian Grammar 1870), Shakespeare's language is unique in that he prefers clarity to grammatical correctness, and brevity to both correctness and clarity, leaving sentences unambiguous but seemingly ungrammatical.[24] Khulusi suggests that Shakespeare's grammar should not be analysed by the fixed rules of modern English, as Elizabethan English was far less structured and in a 'transitional phase' of development. He adds that the language was ready to 'borrow' idioms, rhetoric and even rules of grammar from older, more established languages and that Shakespeare may have chosen to adopt Eastern literary methods to enhance the richness and distinctiveness of his work.

Khulusi gives examples of similarities between Shakespearian rules of grammar and those of Arabic. One rule he explains as follows: “The frequent omission of the word The before a noun already defined by another, especially in prepositional phrases. In Arabic it is a strict rule to drop the definite article al(the) from a noun in the possessive case, i.e. by an implied English (of)”. Some of the examples given are:

At heel of that defy him, Antony and Cleopatra. ii, 2:160.
For honour of our land, Henry. V iii, 5:22.
Thy beauty's form in table of my heart. Sonnet 24.[24]

In another rule, Khulusi reports that Shakespeare uses The Which. He says that in French there is lequel but not lequi whereas in Arabic the relative pronoun is always defined. Shakespeare is nearer to Arabic than French. He uses the which and the whom and the latter is unique to Shakespeare.

The better part of valour is discretion: in the which better part I have saved my life. Henry IV, part 1, v, 4:125.

The example of this rule is reminiscent of a line from al-Mutanabbi (d.965), who says (metre: al-Kamil)

Discretion comes before the valour of brave men. It stands first; valour comes next.[18][24]

Khulusi goes on to detail eleven other grammatical rules in common with Arabic and provides examples to illustrate these.

Khulusi suggests that Romeo and Juliet draws on the ‘basically Arabian’ concept of platonic love and that the story is very close to the older Arabian tales of Majnoon Layla and Qays and Lubna. He details examples of Eastern imagery, customs and traditions in Romeo and Juliet and remarks that the linguistic style, particularly the extensive use of rhetorical devices helps to bring the story "nearer to similar ones in the literature of the East."[18][25]

Khulusi's thesis was expounded in Arabic publications. His view that Shakespeare had Arabic ancestors is highly speculative and lacks any evidence. His opinions have been opposed by other scholars including Abdul Sattar Jawad Al-Mamouri,[17] Abdullah Al-Dabbagh,[15] Eric Ormsby,[26] Ferial Ghazoul and the Egyptian scholar Ibrahim Hamadah who devoted a book, ‘Urubat Shakespeare (The Arabism of Shakespeare) 1989, to refuting Khulusi's thesis.[27] Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi endorsed Khulusi's views in 1989.[28]

Arabic poetry in English

Khulusi set out to introduce English readers to contemporary Iraqi poetry by translating the works of some of the most prominent and influential poets of the first half of the 20th century.[3][29][30][31][32] This was a period of significant social and political change, an era of wars and civil strife, and also a time when poetry was highly valued and influential in Arab society and particularly in Iraq. The appearance of a famous poet at a public meeting for example, would generate a large crowd, and mainstream daily newspapers regularly replaced their lead paragraph with poetic verses employing all manner of eloquence and rhetoric to win the affection of the reader and sway a political argument.[3][29]

Political and social themes

From the end of the 19th century, the rise to prominence of talented radical poets Jamil Sidqi al-Zahawi (1863–1936) and Ma'ruf al-Rusafi (1875–1945) popularised poetry containing social and political themes. According to Khulusi, both Zahawi and Rusafi learned from contemporary Turkish poets, such as Tawfiq Fikrat, the value of charging poetry with powerful messages. Rusafi was the more ferocious and shocking in his political attacks, while Zahawi's ire was directed at what he believed to be outdated social attitudes.[29]

Zahawi's poetry extolling a utopian society was his attempt to set the agenda for a social revolution, particularly on views towards women in post-Ottoman Iraq. According to Khulusi, this was largely unwelcomed at the time, but proved nonetheless influential as a catalyst for change in the decades that followed. Khulusi renders the incendiary work including what he calls “Zahawi's tirade against the veil”:

O Daughter of Iraq! tear the veil into pieces,
And go about unveiled, for life demands revolutions.
Tear it and burn it without delay
For indeed it is a false guardian. [29]

Khulusi illustrates Zahawi's attempt to introduce the concept of gender equality in his celebrated poem Ba'da alfi 'Am (A Thousand Years Hence):

If you happen one day to see their women
You will stand perplexed, like someone who has lost his sense
They share with men their hard work briskly
And they do their work ably and perfectly.
They sit side by side with men in courts,
And display ideas and thoughts that are so close to perfection.
Amongst them are governors and generals
Amongst them are soldiers and workers.
Their marriage is none other than a contract
It is observed by a couple so long as love endures.
But the upbringing and education of their children
is according to their law, the responsibility of their government
Which is the Mother of all. [29]
Jamil Sidqi al-Zahawi devoted his energy to versifying the quest for gender equality in Iraqi society

As with Rusafi and Zahawi before him, Muhammad Mahdi al-Jawahiri (1899–1997) also versified his challenge to the established attitudes towards women. He chose a less aggressive, more persuasive tone which Khulusi attempts to capture in this sample of his translation:

We have merchandise that provides us with children
We raise and lower its price according to financial crises.
I found her in other nations as object of pride
That brightens the house, the markets and the churches. [29]

According to Khulusi, Jawahiri takes up the cause of social exclusion and poverty from Rusafi. He illustrates the gulf in society by describing life in the houses and villas of the rich, built next to shanty dwellings where the deprived live in squalid conditions with their children and livestock.

In those palaces and rich houses,
Nights of dancing rakishly pass
Where the legs of the beautiful ladies are bare.
Liquors and wines are brought to them from East and West,
From wherever they are distilled best.
And only next door to them a woman lies on the ground
Scorpions flirting with her flanks. [29]

In Khulusi view, Jawahiri was also “the poet of every revolutionary movement”. The revolt of January 1948 was one example. He composed long epics on the subject, and elegized his brother, Ja'far al-Jawahiri who died during the revolt. The same year saw war in the Holy Land and Jawahiri directed his anger at Arab leaders who promoted themselves during this time as 'saviours of Palestine'. Khulusi tries to capture the tone of sarcasm of the original poem:

He defeated the calamity with his handkerchief.
Boastfully pretending, like a silly lad
That his eyes burst with tears. [29]

Martial law in 1948 was officially a means to protect the military operations in Palestine and to save the rear of the Arab armies. According to Khulusi, the law was skilfully extended to deal with young men with liberal ideas. Living close by, Jawahiri regularly passed the prison gates in Baghdad and could see groups of young men, from all backgrounds and professions, being led inside, and relatives waiting for news of other men already taken. In his poem Jawahiri says:

May you not wait for long.
And may the shackled time hurry your steps forward
So Balasim, give the teacher his due,
And support him, for he has no supporter.
If it be possible for a free man to prostrate himself in adoration,
Then I would have been a prostrated slave to the teacher.

Later in the same poem he adds prophetically:

A future era will say of our present state of affairs
With which we are being scorched:
Curse thee you extinct era! [29]

Women and poetry

Following Zahawi's death in 1936, Salma al-Kadhimiyya (1908–1953) writing under the name Umm Nizar, enters the Iraqi literary scene. According to Khulusi, her first poem is also the very first to be published for any woman in Iraq and appropriately its Zahawi's elegy.

When merciless death called on you,
Poetry burst into tears to mourn
The Iraqi nation, when it saw
Your charming place vacant,
O you who had brought back
To the East its past glory,
Which it had nearly forgotten but for you. [32]

Umm Nizar refers to Zahawi's poetry on the subject of emancipation. Khulusi records that Zahawi wrote about a fictitious character named Leila who is denied her rightful and equal place in society. Leila is intended to symbolise the Iraqi woman. Umm Nizar writes:

Who is now to defend Leila:
O thou who were her champion?
We never thought that you would one day forsake her.
When you were singing, you used to inspire even inanimate objects
With feeling, intelligence and perception. [32]

According to Khulusi, Umm Nizar echoes Zahawi's message, calling on women to break the fetters of centuries and step forward as saviours of their country. He reports that the feminist genre of her poetry adds a description of the status of women and their achievements during various periods of Islamic civilization. She details their intolerable position in 1930s and 40s Iraq, and describes in verse how the place of women has not only fallen far behind modern civilization, but far below where it had been in the Middle Ages. The following couplet affords a good example of Umm Nizar's style as depicted by Khulusi.

We have become so used to weakness;
And felt so contented and at home with our misfortune,
That we do not aspire in our life to anything
Save a skirt and a mirror! [32]

Umm Nizar is followed into print by a number of other women including her daughter Nazik Al-Malaika, who writes emotional, imaginative and rebellious odes. Lami'a 'Abbas 'Amara is noted for her humour and epigrammatic lines. 'Atika Wahbi al-Khazraji versifies the tragedy of Majnoon Layla. Fatina al-Naib, better known by her pen-name Saduf al-'Ubaydiyya, composes poetry for her own personal enjoyment rather than public acclaim and eventually finds that she has completed the contents of four volumes. Khulusi renders entire poems and extracts of this ground-breaking literary work and illustrates the range and versatility of these pioneering women.[30][31][32]

Selected publications

  • Nifous Maridha (Sick Souls), novel in Arabic 1941
    نفوس مريضة
  • Bint al-Siraj, Rihla ila Spania (The Saddlers Daughter, Travels Through Spain) 1952
    بنت السراج ، رحلة الى اسبانيا
  • Abu-Nuwas fi Amrika (Abu-Nuwas in America) 1956
    أبو نؤاس في أمريكا
  • Fann al-Tarjama (The Art of Translation) 1956
    فن الترجمة
  • Dirasat fi al-Adab al-Muqarin wa al-Mathahib al-Adabia (Studies in Comparative Literature and Western Literary Schools) 1957
    دراسات في الأدب المقارن والمذاهب الأدبية
  • al-Tarjama al-Tahlilia (Analytical Translation) 1957
    الترجمة التحليلية
  • al-Nafitha al-Maftuha: Siwar Min al-Sharq wa al-Gharb (The Open Window: Images from East and West) 1958
    النافذة المفتوحة : صور من الشرق والغرب
  • Dirasa Hawl Shakespeare (Study of Shakespeare) al-Ma'rifa Journal, Baghdad 1960
    دراسة حول شكسبير، مجلة المعرفة ، بغداد
  • Islam Our Choice (1961)
  • The History of Baghdad (in the First Half of the 18th Century). Elaboration on the manuscript by Abdu al-Rihman al-Suwaidi (1962)
    تاريخ بغداد لابن السويدي ، تحقيق صفاء خلوصي
  • Fann al-Taqti' al-Shi'ri wa al-Qafia (The Art of Poetry: Composition and Prosody) 1963
    فن التقطيع الشعري والقافية
  • al-Mawaqi' al-Goghrafia wa Asmaa al-A'laam fi al-Masrahiat al-Shakespeareia (Geographic Locations and Place Names in Shakespearian Plays) 1964
    المواقع الجغرافية واسماء ألاعلام في المسرحيات الشكسبيرية
  • Arabian Influence on the concept of Platonic love in Shakespeare, Islamic Review, (Oct 1966)
  • al-Fasir aw Sharih Diwan abi't-Tayyib al-Mutanabbi Li Ibn Jinni (Elaboration on the Diwan of Abi't-Tayyib al-Mutanabbi, and the commentary of Ibn Jinni) 1969
    الفسر إو شرح ديوان أبي طيب المتنبي لابن جني
  • A Literary History of The Arabs (Tarikh al-Arab al-Adabi), English original by Reynold Nicholson, translated into Arabic by Safa Khulusi 1970
    تاريخ العرب الأدبي ، رينولد نكلسن ، ترجمة صفاء خلوصي
  • The Logical Basis of Arabic Grammar, Islamic Review, (July/Aug 1970)
  • Arabic Aspects of Shakespeare. Parallel Texts from Othello and Macbeth. Islamic Review (Sept 1970)
  • A Comparative Study of Shakespearian and Arabic Grammar, Islamic Review, (Oct/Nov 1970)
  • Jafar al-Khalili and the Story of Modern Iraq (1976)
  • 'Ma'rūf al Ruṣāfī in Jerusalem', in Arabic and Islamic garland: historical, educational and literary papers presented to Abdul-Latif Tibawi, Islamic Cultural Centre London (1977), pp. 147–152.
  • A Dictionary of Contemporary Idiomatic Usage. English- Arabic. National Publishing House, Baghdad (1982)

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Professor Safa Khulusi, Obituary, The Independent, 5 October 1995.
  2. ^ Safa Khulusi. Abdul-Majīd Luṭfī's Rejuvenation of Words. Journal of Arabic Literature Vol. 11, (1980), pp. 65–67
  3. ^ a b c Safa Khulusi, Modern Arabic Literature in Iraq, Islamic Review, February 1951, p.35-40
  4. ^ a b c Safa Khulusi, Interview in the literary section of Al-Jazirah, p.7, edition 7764, 13 December 1993.
  5. ^ a b c Sabiha Al-Dabbagh, Obituary, The Guardian, Friday, 11 September 1998.
  6. ^ Swinscow, D.; Smith, T. (1998). "Martin Ware · Sabiha Al-Dabbagh · Francis William Blacklay · John Antony Boucher · John Halliday Garson · Kenneth Michael Hay · Ronald Sherrington Ogborn · Susan Marion Wood". BMJ (Clinical Research Ed.). 317 (7168): 1323. doi:10.1136/bmj.317.7168.1323. PMC 1114223. PMID 9804739.
  7. ^ Salih Altoma, Iraq's Modern Arab Literature: A Guide to English Translations Since 1950, Scarecrow Press, 2010, p.97
  8. ^ Yitzhak Nakash, The Shi'is of Iraq, Princeton University Press, 2003 p.262.
  9. ^ "Since arriving at an age of discretion, the beauty and the simple purity of Islam have always appealed to me..." Sir 'Abdullah' Archibald Hamilton, 5th and 3rd Baronet The People, 13 January 1924.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h Safa Khulusi, Islam Our Choice, with edited extracts from submissions to Islamic Review, 1913–1960 (including those from Donald Rockwell, 1935 and Ruth Gaevernitz, 1949) for The Woking Muslim Mission, printed by AA Verstage ltd. (1961)
  11. ^ Copleston, Frederick Charles. The Enlightenment: Voltaire to Kant. 2003. p. 146.
  12. ^ Mommsen, Katharina (2014). Goethe and the Poets of Arabia. Boydell & Brewer. p. 70.
  13. ^ a b Orit Bashkin, The other Iraq: pluralism and culture in Hashemite Iraq, Stanford University Press, 2009 pp.167–168
  14. ^ Joyce Moss, Middle Eastern literatures and their times,Thomson Gale, 2004 p.140.
  15. ^ a b Abdulla Al-Dabbagh, Shakespeare, the Orient, and the Critics, Peter Lang, 2010, p.1
  16. ^ Safa Khulusi, Study of Shakespeare. al-Ma'rifa Journal, Baghdad (1960)
  17. ^ a b Abdul Sattar Jawad Al-Mamouri, Shakespeare in Baghdad, The Chronicle, Duke University Journal, Dec 2011.
  18. ^ a b c d e f g h Safa Khulusi, Arabic features in the plays of Shakespeare, University of Baghdad, Government Press, Baghdad (1964). Compilation of articles published to mark the four hundredth anniversary of Shakespeare's birth
  19. ^ Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford University Press, second edition, (1989)
  20. ^ Safa Khulusi, Geographic Locations and Place Names in Shakespearian Plays. p1-14, Al-Aani Press, Baghdad (1964)
  21. ^ a b Safa A. Khulusi, Arabic Aspects of Shakespeare. Parallel Texts from Othello and Macbeth, Islamic Review, Sept 1970, p.26-29. References cited in this article: (i) Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani, Great Book of Songs (Kitab al-Aghani al-Kabir), Antoine Isaac, Baron Silvestre de Sacy's edition; Vol. II, p 31-32. (ii) Abdul-Qadir Gilani al-Baghdadi, Repository of the Literature and Core of the Arabic Language (Khizani al-Adab wa Lubb Lisan al-Arab); Vol. IV, p 299. (iii) Shaykh Abd al-Ghanī Dimashqī al-Maydani al-Hanafī, Book of Proverbs, Vol. I, p 61. (iv) Muhammad Jada' al-Mawla, Tales of The Arabs (Qisas Al-Arab): For he who would buy sleep with sleeplessness, Vol. III, p 352-353.
  22. ^ Reynold Nicholson, A Literary History of The Arabs, Cambridge University Press, 1930, p 19-21 and p 25-26, (translated into Arabic by SA Khulusi, Tarikh al-Arab al-Adabi, Al-Ma'arif Press, Baghdad, 1970, p 56-64)
  23. ^ Cite error: The named reference muq was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  24. ^ a b c Safa A. Khulusi, A Comparative Study of Shakespearian and Arabic Grammar, Islamic Review, Oct/Nov 1970, p.19-21
  25. ^ Safa A. Khulusi, Arabian Influence on the concept of Platonic love in Shakespeare, Islamic Review, Oct 1966, p.18.
  26. ^ Ormsby, E, "Shadow Language", New Criterion, Vol. 21, Issue: 8, April 2003.
  27. ^ Ferial J. Ghazoul, "The Arabization of Othello", Comparative Literature, Vol. 50, No. 1, Winter, 1998, p.9
  28. ^ Margaret Litvin, Critical Survey, Volume: 19. Issue: 3., 2007, p.1.
  29. ^ a b c d e f g h i Safa A. Khulusi, Poetry as a vehicle of social and political reform in Iraq. Islamic Review, Jul–Aug 1962, p.15-17
  30. ^ a b Atika Wahbi al-Khazraj, Farewell to Baghdad, translated by Safa Khulusi Islamic Review, 1951
  31. ^ a b Atika Wahbi al-Khazraj: O’ Palestine, The Miserable Woman, Love of the Fatherland. Poems translated by Safa Khulusi, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1950, 3–4, p.151-157
  32. ^ a b c d e Safa Khulusi, Contemporary poetesses of Iraq, Islamic Review, June 1950, p.40- 45