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Prehistoric Ukraine, as a part of the Pontic steppe in Eastern Europe, played an important role in Eurasian cultural events, including the spread of the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages, Indo-European migrations, and the domestication of the horse.^[1]^[2]^[3]

A part of Scythia in antiquity, Ukraine was largely settled by Greuthungi, Getae, Goths, and Huns in the Migration Period, while southern parts of Ukraine were previously colonized by Greeks and then Romans. In the Early Middle Ages it was also a site of early Slavic expansion. The hinterland entered into written history with the establishment of the medieval state of Kievan Rus', which emerged as a powerful nation but disintegrated during the High Middle Ages, and was destroyed by the Mongol Empire in the 13th century.

During the 14th and 15th centuries, present-day Ukrainian territories came under the rule of four external powers: the Golden Horde, the Crimean Khanate, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland. The latter two would then merge into the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth following the Union of Krewo and Union of Lublin. Meanwhile, the Ottoman Empire emerged as a major regional power in and around the Black Sea, through protectorates such as the Crimean Khanate, as well as directly-administered territory.

After a 1648 rebellion of the Cossacks against the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky agreed to the Treaty of Pereyaslav in January 1654. The exact nature of the relationship established by this treaty between the Cossack Hetmanate and Russia remains a matter of scholarly controversy.^[4] The agreement precipitated the Russo-Polish War of 1654–67 and the failed Treaty of Hadiach, which would have formed a Polish–Lithuanian–Ruthenian Commonwealth. In consequence, by the Treaty of Perpetual Peace, signed in 1686, the eastern portion of Ukraine (east of the Dnieper River) was to come under Russian rule.^[5]

During the Great Northern War, Hetman Ivan Mazepa allied with Charles XII of Sweden in 1708. However, the Great Frost of 1709 greatly weakened the Swedish army. Following the Battle of Poltava later in 1709, there was a diminishment in Hetmanate power, culminating with the disestablishment of the Cossack Hetmanate in the 1760s and the destruction of the Zaporozhian Sich in the 1770s. Following the Partitions of Poland (1772–1795) and the Russian conquest of the Crimean Khanate, the Russian Empire and Habsburg Austria were in control of all the territories that constitute present-day Ukraine for over a hundred years. Ukrainian nationalism developed in the 19th century.

A chaotic period of warfare ensued after the Russian Revolutions of 1917, as well as a simultaneous war in the former Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria following the dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy after World War I. The Soviet–Ukrainian War (1917–1921) followed, in which the Bolshevik Red Army established control in late 1919.^[6] The Ukrainian Bolsheviks, who had defeated the national government in Kiev, established the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, which on 30 December 1922 became one of the founding republics of the Soviet Union. Initial Soviet policy on the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian culture made Ukrainian the official language of administration and schools. Policy in the 1930s turned to Russification. In 1932 and 1933, millions of people in Ukraine, mostly peasants, starved to death in a devastating famine, known as the Holodomor. It is estimated that 6 to 8 million people died from hunger in the Soviet Union during this period, of whom 4 to 5 million were Ukrainians.^[7]

After the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany invaded Poland in September 1939, the Ukrainian SSR's territory expanded westward. Axis armies occupied Ukraine from 1941 to 1944. During World War II, elements of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army fought for Ukrainian independence against both Germany and the Soviet Union, while other elements collaborated with the Nazis, assisting them in carrying out the Holocaust in Ukraine and their oppression of Poles. In 1953, Nikita Khrushchev, ethnic Russian former head of the Communist Party of Ukraine, succeeded as head of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and enabled more political and cultural freedom, which led to a Ukrainian revival. In 1954 the republic expanded to the south with the transfer of Crimea from Russia. Nevertheless, political repressions against poets, historians and other intellectuals continued, as in all other parts of the USSR.

Ukraine became independent when the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991. This started a period of transition to a market economy, in which Ukraine suffered an eight-year recession.^[8] Subsequently however, the economy experienced a high increase in GDP growth until it plunged during the Great Recession.^[9]

A prolonged political crisis began on 21 November 2013, when president Viktor Yanukovych suspended preparations for the implementation of an association agreement with the European Union, instead choosing to seek closer ties with Russia. This decision resulted in the Euromaidan protests and later, the Revolution of Dignity. Yanukovych was then impeached by the Ukrainian parliament in February 2014. On 20 February, the Russo-Ukrainian War began when Russian forces entered Crimea. Soon after, pro-Russian unrest enveloped the largely Russophone eastern and southern regions of Ukraine, from where Yanukovych had drawn most of his support. An internationally unrecognized referendum in the largely ethnic Russian Ukrainian autonomous region of Crimea was held and Crimea was de facto annexed by Russia on 18 March 2014. The War in Donbas began in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of Ukraine involving the Russian military. The war continued until 24 February 2022, when Russia launched a major invasion of much of the country.

Prehistory

Paleolithic period

1.4 million year old stone tools from Korolevo, western Ukraine, are the earliest securely dated hominin presence in Europe.^[10] Settlement in Ukraine by members of the genus Homo has been documented into distant Paleolithic prehistory. The Neanderthals are associated with the Molodova archaeological sites (45,000–43,000 BC), which include a mammoth bone dwelling.^[11]^[12] The earliest documented evidence of modern humans are found in Gravettian settlements dating to 32,000 BC in the Buran-Kaya cave site of the Crimean Mountains.^[13]^[14]

Neolithic and Bronze Age

Extent of the Chalcolithic Yamna or "pit grave" culture, 3rd millennium BC

In the late Neolithic times, the Cucuteni-Trypillian Culture flourished from about 4,500–3,000 BC.^[15] The Copper Age people of the Cucuteni-Trypillian Culture resided in the western part, and the Sredny Stog Culture further east, succeeded by the early Bronze Age Yamna ("Kurgan") culture of the Pontic steppes, and by the Catacomb culture in the 3rd millennium BC.^{[citation needed]}

Cucuteni-Trypillia pottery
Maidanetske, Cucuteni-Trypillia culture, 3800 BC
Yamnaya stone stele, c. 2600 BC

Antiquity

Scythian settlement, Greek colonization, and Roman domination

During the Iron Age, these peoples were followed by the Dacians as well as nomadic peoples such as the Cimmerians (archaeological Novocherkassk culture), Scythians and Sarmatians. The Scythian kingdom existed here from 750 to 250 BC.^[16] In the Scythian campaign of Darius the Great in 513 BC, the Achaemenid Persian army subjugated several Thracian peoples, and virtually all other regions along the European part of the Black Sea, such as parts of nowadays Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, and Russia, before it returned to Asia Minor.^[17]^[18]

Greeks colonized Crimea and other coastal areas of Ukraine in the 7th or 6th century BC during the Archaic period.^[19] The culturally Greek Bosporan Kingdom thrived until it was invaded and occupied by the Goths and Huns in the 4th century AD.^[20] From 62 to 68 AD the Roman Empire briefly annexed the kingdom under Emperor Nero when he deposed the Bosporan king Tiberius Julius Cotys I.^[21] Afterwards the Bosporan Kingdom was made into a Roman client state with a Roman military presence during the middle of the 1st century AD.^[22]^[23]

Arrival of the Goths and Huns

In the 3rd century AD, the Goths migrated into the lands of modern Ukraine around 250–375 AD, which they called Oium, corresponding to the archaeological Chernyakhov culture.^[24] The Ostrogoths stayed in the area but came under the sway of the Huns from the 370s. North of the Ostrogothic kingdom was the Kiev culture, flourishing from the 2nd–5th centuries, when it was also overrun by the Huns. After they helped defeat the Huns at the battle of Nedao in 454, the Ostrogoths were allowed by the Romans to settle in Pannonia.^{[citation needed]} Along with other ancient Greek colonies founded in the 6th century BC on the northeastern shore of the Black Sea, the colonies of Tyras, Olbia, and Hermonassa continued as Roman and Byzantine (Eastern Roman) cities until the 6th century AD.^{[citation needed]} Gothic influence waned by the end of the 5th century AD, when the Eastern Roman Empire reaffirmed its control and influence over the region.^[25] The Hunnic king Gordas ruled the Bosporan kingdom in the early 6th century AD and maintained good relations with Eastern Roman emperor Justinian I, but the latter invaded and occupied the country once Gordas was killed in a revolt in 527 AD.^[26] As late as the 12th century AD the Eastern Roman emperors claimed dominion over the territory of Cimmerian Bosporos.^[27]

Middle Ages

Early Slavs

With the power vacuum created with the end of Hunnic and Gothic rule, Early Slavs, in the aftermath of the Kiev culture, began to expand over much of the territory that is now Ukraine during the 5th century, and beyond to the Balkans from the 6th century.^{[citation needed]} Although the origins of the Early Slavs are not known for certain, many theories suggest they may have originated near Polesia.^[28]

In the 5th and 6th centuries, the Antes Union (a tribal federation) is generally regarded to have been located in the territory of what is now Ukraine. The Antes were the ancestors of Ukrainians: White Croats, Severians, Polans, Drevlyans, Dulebes, Ulichians, and Tiverians. Migrations from Ukraine throughout the Balkans established many South Slavic nations. Northern migrations, reaching almost to Lake Ilmen, led to the emergence of the Ilmen Slavs, Krivichs, and Radimichs. After a Pannonian Avar raid in 602 and the collapse of the Antes Union, most of these peoples survived as separate tribes until the beginning of the second millennium.^[29]

Arrival of the Bulgars and Khazars

In the 7th century, the territory of modern Ukraine was the core of the state of the Bulgars (often referred to as Old Great Bulgaria) with its capital city of Phanagoria. At the end of the 7th century, most Bulgar tribes migrated in several directions and the remains of their state were absorbed by the Khazars, a semi-nomadic people from Central Asia.^[24]

The Khazars founded the Khazar kingdom near the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus. The kingdom included western Kazakhstan and parts of Crimea, eastern Ukraine, southern Russia and Azerbaijan. The Khazars dominated enough of the Pontic–Caspian steppe such that there was a Pax Khazarica in terms of trade, which allowed long distance trade to occur in safety, including groups such as the Radhanite Jews who traded as far as China to Tabriz, as well as the trade networks that surrounded Volga Bulgaria.^{[citation needed]}

Kievan Rus' (9th century–1240)

Origin and foundation of state

"Rus' land" from the Primary Chronicle, a copy of the Laurentian Codex

It is unclear how the Kievan state arose, but he first reliable mention of the Rus dates back to the year 839 in the Frankish chronicle Annals of St. Bertin, where it is written that members of an embassy arriving from the north to the Byzantine Empire called themselves Rus.^[30] The second notable mention of the Rus occurred in 860, when they launched a naval raid on Constantinople, pillaged the suburbs of the capital, and retreated unimpeded — as described by Greek eyewitnesses.^{[citation needed]}

The earliest source about the history of the Middle Dnieper region, written no earlier than the 11th century, is the Tale of Bygone Years (Primary Chronicle). In its "legendary" part, it narrates the Rus' raid on Constantinople and the formation of a state with Kiev as its capital in the second half of the 9th century. The chronicle, in particular, mentions the names of the leaders of the raid on Constantinople — Askold and Dir — and calls them retainers of the Scandinavian Rurik dynasty. According to the chronicle, a representative of this dynasty, Oleg the Wise, allegedly came to Kiev from Novgorod in 882, killed Askold and Dir, and took control of the Kiev state. This narrative contains several errors (for example, the year of the raid on Constantinople is incorrectly dated as 867) and does not align with archaeological evidence, which confirms the establishment of Novgorod only in the 10th century. Therefore, modern historians believe that the stories about the 9th century presented in the chronicle are highly questionable and likely constructed by the author.^[31]^[32]

Scholars associate the state-building processes in the Middle Dnieper region with the emergence of the well-known trade route from Scandinavia to Constantinople, known as the "Route from the Varangians to the Greeks". A significant portion of this route passed through the Dnieper river, and Kiev was an important transshipment point, allowing control over trade along the Dnieper, Pripyat, and Desna rivers.^[34] Kiev also served as a stop for traveling Norsemen to resupply. Led by the Norse, a new tribal alliance began to form around Kiev at the end of the 9th century, with the Polans as its core. In particular, Greek sources mention the Rus-Byzantine Treaty of 911, which confirms the existence of a Viking state along the Dnieper.^{[citation needed]}

From the first half of the 10th century, the first confirmed ruler of the Kiev state from foreign sources was Igor the Old, whom the Primary Chronicle calls a prince. The Chronicle's information about the governance of the state during this time is considered more reliable. The princely retinue played a significant role in governance, accompanying rulers on campaigns and collecting tribute from the conquered local Slavic tribes. The collected tribute (furs, honey, hides, wax, slaves) was mainly exported to Byzantium, and the proceeds were spent on purchasing weapons, luxury items, and wine, which made up the core of imports. When trade conditions no longer satisfied the prince, he launched an unsuccessful campaign against Constantinople in 941, which led to a new Rus-Byzantine trade treaty in 944. The Tale of Bygone Years tells of Igor's attempt to extract more tribute from the subdued Slavs, which led to a rebellion by the Drevlians, who killed him in 944 or 945.^[35]

After the death of Igor in 945, his widow, Princess Olga, took over as regent for their son, Sviatoslav, who was too young to rule. Olga avenged Igor's death by brutally punishing the Drevlians, who had killed him. She later incorporated their land into Kievan Rus'. She reorganized the tribute system (known as poliudie) to make it more efficient, centralizing power and lessening the chances of revolt. Olga became the first ruler of Kievan Rus’ to convert to Christianity (around 957) during a trip to Constantinople, although the state remained predominantly pagan under her rule.^[36]^[37]

Once Sviatoslav came of age, he became the ruler of Kievan Rus’ and embarked on an expansionist military campaign. His reign was characterized by his focus on military conquests. Sviatoslav defeated the Khazar Khaganate, a significant regional power, leading to the collapse of Khazaria. This allowed Kievan Rus’ to expand its influence into the Volga river and the Caucasus. Sviatoslav engaged in numerous conflicts with the Byzantine Empire and sought to establish a permanent base in Bulgaria. However, his Balkan ambitions were thwarted after a Byzantine counterattack. Sviatoslav was ambushed and killed by the Pechenegs in 972 while returning from the Balkans.

After Sviatoslav’s death, a power struggle ensued among his sons. This period saw civil wars as each son vied for control. Yaropolk, Sviatoslav's eldest son, became the Grand Prince of Kiev after his father’s death. He sought to consolidate control over all of Kievan Rus', which led to conflicts with his brothers. At that time Oleg, the second son of Sviatoslav, ruled over the Drevlians. He and Yaropolk engaged in conflict over their respective territories, and this rivalry resulted in Oleg’s death around 977 during one of the battles, further intensifying the power struggle. Initially, Vladimir, Sviatoslav’s younger son, fled to avoid being caught in the conflict. However, after Oleg’s death, he returned with a Varangian army. By 980, Vladimir defeated Yaropolk and consolidated his power, becoming the sole ruler of Kievan Rus’.

Golden Age and Christianisation

In the 10th and 11th century, Kiev became one of the richest commercial centres of Europe, and the Kievan Rus' empire around it steadily expanded.^[38] Initially a benefactor of the worship of Slavic deities such as Perun, Vladimir the Great converted to Orthodox Christianity in the 980s, tying the realm into a political and ecclesiastical alliance with the Byzantine Empire.^[38] The reign of Yaroslav the Wise (r. 1019–1054) is generally regarded its zenith. Kievan Rus' was never a fully centralized state, but rather a loose aggregation of principalities ruled by members of the Rurik dynasty.^[39]

While Christianity had made headway into the territory of modern Ukraine before the first ecumenical council, the Council of Nicaea (325) (particularly along the Black Sea coast, with the clearest evidence being the Christianization of the Crimean Goths) and, in western Ukraine during the time of the Empire of Great Moravia, the formal governmental acceptance of Christianity in Rus' occurred in 988. The major promoter of the Christianization of Kievan Rus' was the Grand-Duke Vladimir the Great whose grandmother, Princess Olga, was a Christian. Later the Kievan ruler, Yaroslav I promulgated the Russkaya Pravda (Truth of Rus') which continued through the Lithuanian period of Rus'.^{[citation needed]}

In 1322, Pope John XXII established a diocese in Caffa (modern day Feodosia), which broke apart the Diocese of Khanbaliq (modern day Beijing), the only Catholic presence in the Mongol lands. For a few centuries it was the main see over an area from the Balkans to Sarai.^[40]

Disintegration and Mongol invasion

Conflict among the various principalities of Rus', in spite of the efforts of Grand Prince Vladimir Monomakh, led to decline, beginning in the 12th century. In Rus' propria, the Kiev region, the nascent Rus' principalities of Halych and Volhynia extended their rule. In the north, the name of Moscow appeared in the historical record in the Principality of Suzdal, which gave rise to the nation of Russia. In the north-west, the Principality of Polotsk increasingly asserted the autonomy of Belarus. Kiev was sacked by the Principality of Vladimir (1169) in the power struggle between princes and later by Cuman and Mongol raiders in the 12th and 13th centuries, respectively. Subsequently, all principalities of present-day Ukraine acknowledged dependence upon the Mongols (1239–1240). In 1240, the Mongols sacked Kiev.

Galicia-Volhynia. Kingdom of Ruthenia (1199–1349)

A successor state to the Kievan Rus' on part of the territory of today's Ukraine was the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia. Previously, Vladimir the Great had established the cities of Halych and Volodymyr as regional capitals. The region was inhabited by the Dulebe, Tiverian and White Croat tribes.^{[citation needed]} Initially both Volhynia and Galicia were separate principalities, ruled by descendants of Yaroslav the Wise (Galicia by Rostislavich dynasty, and Volhynia initially by Igorevich and eventually by Iziaslavich dynasty).^[41] During the rule Yaroslav Osmomysl (1153–1187) Galicia extended to the Black Sea.^[41] Rulers of both principalites were trying to extend the rule over another. It was finally achieved by Roman the Great (1197–1205), who not only united both Galicia and Volhynia, but also extended his rule to Kiev for a short period of time.^{[citation needed]}

His death was followed by a period of turmoil that lasted until his son Daniel regained the throne in 1238. Daniel managed to rebuild his father's state, including Kiev. Daniel paid tribute to the Mongol khan, who appointed him baskak, responsible for collecting tribute from the Rus princes. In 1253 he was crowned by a papal delegation "King of Rus'" (Latin: rex Russiae); previously, the rulers of Rus' were termed "Grand Dukes" or "Princes".^{[citation needed]}

Late Middle Ages

From the 13th century, the many parts of the coast of present-day Ukraine were dominated by the Republic of Genoa, which created numerous colonies around the Black Sea, most of them situated in today's Odesa Oblast. The Genoese colonies were well fortified, and there were garrisons in the fortresses and were used by the Genoese republic mainly for the purpose of dominating trade in the Black Sea. Genoa's dominance in the region would last until the 15th century.^[42]^[43]^[44]

During the 14th century, Poland and Lithuania fought wars against the Mongol invaders, and eventually most of Ukraine passed to the rule of Poland and Lithuania. More particularly, Red Ruthenia, and part of Volhynia and Podolia became part of Poland. King of Poland adopted the tile of "lord and heir of Ruthenia" (Latin: Russiae dominus et Heres^[45]). Lithuania took control of Polotsk, Volhynia, Chernihiv, and Kiev following Battle of Blue Waters (1362/63), and the rulers of Lithuania then adopted the title of ruler of Rus'.^{[citation needed]}

After the downfall of Kievan Rus' and Galicia–Volhynia, their political, cultural and religious life continued under Lithuanian control.^[46] Ruthenian aristocrats, for example, the Olelkovich, joined the governing class of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as members of the grand duke's privy council, senior military leaders, and administrators.^[46] Despite Lithuanian being the native language of the ruling class, the main written languages within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were Latin, Old Church Slavonic, as well as Ruthenian, with East Slavonic Chancery being replaced by Polish in the early modern period.^[47]

Eventually, Poland took control of the southwestern region. Following the union between Poland and Lithuania, Poles, Germans, Lithuanians and Jews migrated to the region, forcing Ukrainians out of positions of power they shared with Lithuanians, with more Ukrainians being forced into Central Ukraine as a result of Polish migration, polonization, and other forms of oppression against Ukraine and Ukrainians, all of which started to fully take form.^{[citation needed]}

In 1490, due to increased oppression of Ukrainians at the hands of the Polish, a series of successful rebellions was led by Ukrainian Petro Mukha, joined by other Ukrainians, such as early Cossacks and Hutsuls, in addition to Moldavians (Romanians). Known as Mukha's Rebellion, this series of battles was supported by the Moldavian prince Stephen the Great, and it is one of the earliest known uprisings of Ukrainians against Polish oppression. These rebellions saw the capture of several cities of Pokuttya, and reached as far west as Lviv, but without capturing the latter.^[48]

The 15th-century decline of the Golden Horde enabled the foundation of the Crimean Khanate, which occupied present-day Black Sea shores and southern steppes of Ukraine. Until the late 18th century, the Crimean Khanate maintained a massive slave trade with the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East,^[49] exporting about 2 million slaves from Russia and Ukraine over the period 1500–1700.^[50] It remained a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire until 1774, when it was finally dissolved by the Russian Empire in 1783.^{[citation needed]}

Early modern period

Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth

After the Union of Lublin in 1569 and the formation of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth Ukraine fell under the Polish administration, becoming part of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland. The period immediately following the creation of the Commonwealth saw a huge revitalisation in colonisation efforts. Many new cities and villages were founded and links between different Ukrainian regions, such as Halych Land and Volhynia were greatly extended.^[51]

New schools spread the ideas of the Renaissance; Polish peasants arrived in great numbers and quickly became mixed with the local population; during this time, most Ukrainian nobles became polonised and converted to Catholicism, and while most Ruthenian-speaking peasants remained within the Eastern Orthodox Church, social tension rose. Some of the polonized mobility would heavily shape Polish culture, for example, Stanisław Orzechowski.^{[citation needed]}

Control of the territory of Ukraine in 1600

Ruthenian peasants who fled efforts to force them into serfdom came to be known as Cossacks and earned a reputation for their fierce martial spirit. Some Cossacks were enlisted by the Commonwealth as soldiers to protect the southeastern borders of Commonwealth from Tatars or took part in campaigns abroad (such as Petro Konashevych-Sahaidachny in the battle of Khotyn 1621). Cossack units were also active in wars between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and Tsardom of Russia. Despite the Cossack's military usefulness, the Commonwealth, dominated by its nobility, refused to grant them any significant autonomy, instead attempting to turn most of the Cossack population into serfs. This led to an increasing number of Cossack rebellions aimed at the Commonwealth.^{[citation needed]}

Size and population of the voidoveships in the 16th century^[52]
Voivodeship		Square kilometers	Population (est.)
Galicia		45,000	446,000
Volhynia		42,000	294,000
Podilia		19,000	98,000
Bratslav		35,000	311,000
Kiev		117,000	234,000
Belz (two regions)	Kholm	19,000	133,000
Belz (two regions)	Pidliassia	10,000	233,000

Cossack era

Cossack Hetmanate (1649–1764)

The 1648 Ukrainian Cossack (Kozak) rebellion or Khmelnytsky Uprising, which started an era known as the Ruin (in Polish history as the Deluge), undermined the foundations and stability of the Commonwealth. The nascent Cossack state, the Cossack Hetmanate,^[53] usually viewed as precursor of Ukraine,^[53] found itself in a three-sided military and diplomatic rivalry with the Ottoman Turks, who controlled the Tatars to the south, the Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania, and the Tsardom of Russia to the East.^{[citation needed]}

The Zaporozhian Host, in order to leave the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, sought a treaty of protection with Russia in 1654.^[53] This agreement was known as the Pereiaslav Agreement.^[53] Commonwealth authorities then sought compromise with the Ukrainian Cossack state by signing the Treaty of Hadiach in 1658, but—after thirteen years of incessant warfare—the agreement was later superseded by the 1667 Polish–Russian Truce of Andrusovo, which divided Ukrainian territory between the Commonwealth and Russia. Under Russia, the Cossacks initially retained official autonomy in the Hetmanate.^[53]

For a time, they also maintained a semi-independent republic in Zaporizhzhia and a colony on the Russian frontier in Sloboda Ukraine. Thus, while right-bank Ukraine belonged to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth until late 1793, left-bank Ukraine had been incorporated into Tsardom of Russia. 1657–1686 was the period characterised by continuous strife, civil war, and foreign intervention by neighbours of Ukraine. In 1672, Podolia was occupied by the Turkish Ottoman Empire, while Kiev and Braclav came under the control of Hetman Petro Doroshenko until 1681, when they were also captured by the Turks, but in 1699 the Treaty of Karlowitz returned those lands to the Commonwealth.^{[citation needed]}

In 1686, the Metropolitanate of Kiev was annexed by the Moscow Patriarchate through the Synodal Letter of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Dionysius IV.^{[citation needed]}

Ukrainian culture had great influence on the Russian tsardom after Ukraine's incorporation. At the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 18th century, the "Ukrainian school" dominated Russian literature.^[54] Ukrainian-born clerics such as Theophan Prokopovich and Stefan Yavorsky, both alumni of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, played an important role in the church reform of Peter the Great and were among the first presidents of the Most Holy Synod.^[55] At the time when the empire was proclaimed in 1721, the ideologists of the autocracy and empire were often Ukrainians.^[54]

Liquidation of the Zaporozhian Sich

During the 18th century, Russian tsarist rule over central Ukraine gradually replaced "protection". Sporadic Cossack uprisings were now aimed at the Russian authorities, but eventually petered out by the late 18th century. After the victory of the Russian Empire in the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774 with the support of the Ukrainian Cossacks, Zaporozhian Sich was destroyed by Russian troops in 1775, a smaller part of the Ukrainian Cossacks fled across the Danube to the lands of the Ottoman Empire, or moved to the Kuban, and the majority was deported by the Russian government to Siberia. All their documents (more than 30,000), weapons and valuables testifying to the history of Ukraine in the 16th-18th centuries were kept for a long time in the fortress of St. Elizabeth, which was then the main headquarters of the Imperial Russian Army in Ukraine, until they were evacuated to Kyiv in 1918. This fortress repelled the last slave raid of the Crimean Tatars to Ukraine and played an important role in the victory over the Turks in 1774, as a result of this war, Russian Empire conquered the coast of the Black and Azov Seas and actually gained control over the Crimean Khanate, although de jure Crimea was recognized as independent. Also it was from this fortress at the end of May 1775 that 8 cavalry regiments, 10 infantry regiments, 20 hussar squadrons, 17 pike squadrons and 13 squadrons of the Don Cossacks (45 thousand people) under the command of General Peter Tekeli left to the Sich, which was defended by the garrison 3,000 Cossaks. On June 15 Sitch was completely destroyed, the last leader of the Zaporozhians, Petro Kalnyshevskyi, died in prison in Solovetsky Islands.^[56]^[57]^[58]^[59]

Cossack Mamay and the Haidamaka hang a Jew by his heels. Ukrainian folk art, 19th century.

Meanwhile, in the right-bank Ukraine, as corvée obligations and the abuse of power by Polish magnates and nobles and their Jewish stewards in Ukraine increased, bands of haidamaks plundered and burned towns and nobles' estates, killing nobles, Roman Catholic and Uniate clerics, and Jews. Major uprisings took place in 1734, 1750, and the largest—usually referred to as Koliyivschyna—in 1768.^[60]

Most of Ukraine fell to the Russian Empire under the reign of Catherine the Great; the Crimean Khanate was annexed by Russia in 1783, following the Emigration of Christians from Crimea in 1778, and in 1793 right-bank Ukraine was annexed by Russia in the Second Partition of Poland.^[61]

Modern history

Empires and Ukrainian National Revival

Ukraine under the reign of Alexander I (1801–1825) saw Russian presence only involving the imperial army and its bureaucracy, but by the reign of Nicholas I (1825–1855), Russia had by then established a centralized administration in Ukraine. After suppressing the November Uprising of 1830, the tsarist regime instituted Russification policies on the Right Bank.^[62]

The 1861 emancipation greatly impacted Ukrainians as 42% of them were serfs. During the late 19th century, heavy taxes, rapid population growth and lack of land impoverished the peasantry. However the steppe regions managed to produce 20% of world production of wheat and 80% of the empire's sugar. Later, industrialization arrived with the first railway track constructed in 1866. Ukraine's economy by now was integrated into the Russian imperial system and it saw much urban development.^[62]

Ukrainian national revival movement dates from the end of the 18th century when modern Ukrainian literature began, foremostly the works of Ivan Kotliarevsky. The prominent Ukrainian-language authors of the 19th century were Taras Shevchenko, Mykhailo Kotsiubynsky and Lesya Ukrainka in the Russian Empire and Ivan Franko in Austria-Hungary.

Russian government, fearing separatism, imposed strict limits on attempts to elevate the Ukrainian language and culture, even banning its use and study: in 1863, the Valuev Circular banned the use of Ukrainian in religious and educational literature, in 1876, the Ems Ukaz outlawed Ukrainian-language publications outright, as well as the import of texts published abroad in Ukrainian, the use of Ukrainian in theatrical productions and public readings, the use of Ukrainian in schools.^[63] The Russophile policies of Russification and Panslavism led to an exodus of a number of Ukrainian intellectuals (such as Mykhailo Drahomanov and Mykhailo Hrushevsky) into the Austrian Western Ukraine. However, many Ukrainians accepted their fate in the Russian Empire and some were able to achieve great success there.^{[citation needed]}

The fate of the Ukrainians was far different under the Austrian Empire where they found themselves in the pawn position of the Russian–Austrian power struggle for Central and Southern Europe. Unlike in Russia, most of the elite that ruled Galicia were of Austrian or Polish descent, with the Ruthenians being almost exclusively kept in peasantry. During the 19th century, Russophilia was a common occurrence among the Slavic population, but the mass exodus of Ukrainian intellectuals escaping from Russian repression in Eastern Ukraine, as well as the intervention of Austrian authorities, caused the movement to be replaced by Ukrainophilia, which would then cross over into the Russian Empire. The 2.4 million Ukrainians under the Habsburg Empire lived in eastern Galicia and consisted mainly of the peasantry (95%) with the remainder being priestly families. The Galician nobility were majoritively Poles or Polonized Ukrainians. Development here lagged behind Russian-ruled Ukraine and was one of the poorest regions in Europe.^[62]

The rise in national consciousness arose in the 19th century, with representation of the intelligentsia declining among the nobles and increasing towards commoners and peasants, they saw a process of nation-building to improve national rights and social justice but was uncovered soon after by the tsarist authorities. After the 1848 revolutions, Ukrainians established the Supreme Ruthenian Council, demanding autonomy, they also opened the first Ukrainian-language newspaper (Zoria halytska).

War of Independence (1917–1922)

When World War I and a series of revolutions across Europe, including the October Revolution in Russia, shattered many existing empires such as the Austrian and Russian ones, people of Ukraine were caught in the middle. Between 1917 and 1919, several separate Ukrainian republics manifested independence, Ukrainian People's Republic, Makhnovshchina, Ukrainian State, West Ukrainian People's Republic, and numerous Bolshevik revkoms.^{[citation needed]}

Ukrainian People's Republic

The Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR) was first declared on November 20, 1917, in the wake of the Russian Revolution and the collapse of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian Central Council, led by prominent Ukrainian political figures, initially sought autonomy within a federated Russia. However, as political instability in Russia deepened, the UPR declared full independence on January 22, 1918.^[64]

The fledgling UPR faced numerous challenges from the start, including internal political divisions, economic instability, and external threats. The Bolsheviks, who were rapidly consolidating power in Russia, viewed Ukraine as a critical territory for their revolutionary ambitions. As a result, they launched military campaigns to assert control over Ukrainian lands, leading to a series of conflicts with UPR forces.

Ukrainian State

Amid growing unrest, a coup d'état led by General Pavlo Skoropadskyi on April 29, 1918, resulted in the dissolution of the UPR and the establishment of Ukrainian State, also known as the Hetmanate. Skoropadskyi, a former Russian Imperial Army officer, proclaimed himself Hetman of all Ukraine and aimed to create a strong, centralized state with close ties to German Empire and Austria-Hungary.

The Hetmanate sought to restore order, promote economic development, and implement agricultural reforms. However, its pro-German stance and authoritarian policies alienated many Ukrainians, including nationalists, socialists, and peasant groups. As the Central Powers began to collapse in late 1918 following their defeat in World War I, opposition to Skoropadsky's regime intensified.

In November 1918, The Directorate, a coalition of anti-Hetmanate forces led by Symon Petliura, Volodymyr Vynnychenko, and other Ukrainian leaders, launched a successful revolt against the Hetmanate. By December 1918, Skoropadskyi had abdicated, and the Ukrainian State was dissolved, leading to the restoration of the Ukrainian People's Republic.^[65]

West Ukrainian People's Republic

Simultaneously, a separate Ukrainian state emerged in the western part of the country. The West Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR) was proclaimed on October 19, 1918, following the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It was centered in Eastern Galicia, including the city of Lviv, as well as parts of Bukovina and Transcarpathia, regions with significant Ukrainian populations.^[66]

The WUPR government, headed by Yevhen Petrushevych, sought to establish an independent Ukrainian state in Western Ukraine. It quickly formed an administrative structure, created the Ukrainian Galician Army, and implemented social and economic reforms. However, the proclamation of the WUPR and its claim over Eastern Galicia led to immediate conflict with the newly re-established Polish state, which also laid claim to the region, leading to the Polish-Ukrainian War (1918-1919).

The conflict began with intense fighting in Lviv, where Polish paramilitary groups resisted Ukrainian control. Despite initial successes by the Ukrainian forces, the Polish Army, supported by the Entente Powers, gained the upper hand. By mid-1919, Polish forces launched a major offensive, and the Ukrainian Galician Army was forced to retreat. By July 1919, WUPR forces had crossed into UPR territory, effectively ending the WUPR as an independent state.^[67]

Unification Act

In an effort to strengthen their positions, the UPR and WUPR formed a political union on January 22, 1919. The Act Zluky declared the unification of the two republics into a single Ukrainian state. However, this unification was largely symbolic and did not result in significant military coordination or support, as both republics were preoccupied with their own military struggles: the UPR against the Bolsheviks and the WUPR against Polish forces.^[68]

Continued struggle and exile of the UPR government

After being driven out of Kyiv by Bolshevik forces in early 1919, the UPR government, led by Symon Petliura, continued to resist Bolshevik advances and Polish encroachment. By 1920, facing insurmountable odds and a deteriorating military position, Petliura sought an alliance with Poland. In April 1920, the Treaty of Warsaw was signed, under which the UPR agreed to recognize Polish control over Western Ukraine in exchange for Polish military support against the Bolsheviks.^[69]

The joint Polish-Ukrainian campaign initially achieved some success, including the temporary recapture of Kyiv in May 1920. However, the Bolshevik counter-offensive soon pushed back the allied forces. The situation for the UPR became even more precarious when Poland sought a peace agreement with Soviet Russia, culminating in the signing of the Treaty of Riga in March 1921. The treaty effectively partitioned Ukraine, leaving most of its territory under Soviet control and the western parts under Polish administration.

With the signing of the Treaty of Riga, the UPR government went into exile, primarily in Poland and other European countries. Ukrainian leaders continued their efforts to advocate for Ukrainian independence in the international arena, but without a territorial base or significant military forces, their influence was limited. Symon Petliura, a key figure in the UPR, continued his political activities in exile until his assassination in Paris in 1926.

Historian Paul Kubicek says:

Between 1917 and 1920, several entities that aspired to be independent Ukrainian states came into existence. This period, however, was extremely chaotic, characterized by revolution, international and civil war, and lack of strong central authority. Many factions competed for power in the area that is today’s Ukraine, and not all groups desired a separate Ukrainian state. Ultimately, Ukrainian independence was short-lived, as most Ukrainian lands were incorporated into the Soviet Union and the remainder, in western Ukraine, was divided among Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Romania.^[70]

Canadian scholar Orest Subtelny says:

In 1919 total chaos engulfed Ukraine. Indeed, in the modern history of Europe no country experienced such complete anarchy, bitter civil strife, and total collapse of authority as did Ukraine at this time. Six different armies – those of the Ukrainians, the Bolsheviks, the Whites, the Entente [French], the Poles and the anarchists – operated on its territory. Kiev changed hands five times in less than a year. Cities and regions were cut off from each other by the numerous fronts. Communications with the outside world broke down almost completely. The starving cities emptied as people moved into the countryside in their search for food.^[71]

Formation of the Ukrainian SSR

As the UPR and WUPR faced defeat, Bolsheviks consolidated their control over Ukraine. On December 30, 1919, Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (Ukrainian SSR) was proclaimed by Bolsheviks. This new Soviet government aligned closely with Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and aimed to establish Soviet authority over all Ukrainian territories.

The creation of the Ukrainian SSR marked the beginning of Soviet rule in Ukraine. By 1921, the Red Army had defeated the remaining Ukrainian forces and other opponents, and the Ukrainian SSR became one of the founding republics of the Soviet Union in 1922.^[72]

Ukraine in Soviet Union (1922–1991)

Ukrainization and New Economic Policy

The Ukrainianization program aimed at fostering Ukrainian ethnic identity among the population of Ukraine. This 1921 recruitment poster uses Ukrainian orthography to convey its message, "Son, join the School of Red Commanders [uk], and the defense of Soviet Ukraine will be ensured".

In the 1920s, the Soviet government implemented a policy of "Ukrainization" as part of its broader strategy to strengthen support for the Soviet regime in non-Russian republics. This policy encouraged the use of the Ukrainian language in education, government, and media. Ukrainian culture and history were promoted to win over the local population and intellectual elite. Ukrainization allowed a degree of cultural revival after years of Russian dominance in Ukraine. Ukrainian literature, theater, and arts experienced significant growth, and schools began teaching in the Ukrainian language. However, this policy was carefully controlled by the Communist Party, ensuring that cultural development aligned with Soviet ideology.^[73]

Following the devastation of war and revolution, the Soviet government introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP) to stabilize the economy. It represented a temporary retreat from pure socialist policies, allowing some elements of private enterprise and market mechanisms to function alongside state-controlled industries. The NEP had a mixed impact on Ukraine. On one hand, it allowed limited economic recovery, especially in agriculture and small-scale industry. Peasants were permitted to sell surplus products on the market, and small businesses could operate under certain conditions. On the other hand, large-scale industries remained under state control, and the heavy industrial sector, which Ukraine relied on, remained inefficient and slow to recover. While the NEP offered some relief to peasants, many remained suspicious of Soviet power, particularly after the harsh grain requisition policies during the civil war. Tensions between the peasantry and the Soviet regime continued to simmer.^[74]

During this period, the Communist Party tightened its control over Ukraine. The Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) became a key instrument in enforcing Soviet policies and maintaining order. Political power was highly centralized, with decisions made in Moscow dictating policy in Ukraine. Despite the relative cultural freedom of Ukrainization, any political opposition to the Soviet regime was harshly repressed. Former nationalists, intellectuals, and opponents of Soviet power were marginalized, and any movement toward true Ukrainian autonomy was quickly suppressed.

In the early Soviet years, there was a strong emphasis on rebuilding Ukraine's war-ravaged economy. Ukraine was a critical industrial center, especially in coal, steel, and machinery production. While some infrastructure was rebuilt, economic challenges remained due to the inefficiency of state control and the lingering effects of war. Ukraine, being an agriculturally rich region, faced difficulties as the peasants were subjected to state control over grain production. Despite the NEP, rural areas continued to suffer from poverty, which would later fuel resistance to Soviet policies.^[75]

By the late 1920s, the NEP was being phased out as the Soviet Union prepared for a shift towards more centralized and state-controlled economic policies under Stalin. The focus was moving toward heavy industrialization and forced collectivization, setting the stage for the dramatic and tragic events of the 1930s, including the Holodomor. Although Ukrainization was relatively successful in the 1920s, by the end of the decade, Stalin's regime began to reverse this policy, with a focus on Russian centralization. The coming years would see a crackdown on Ukrainian nationalism and culture as part of Stalin’s larger efforts to solidify control over the Soviet republics.

Forced collectivization, industrialization and Holodomor

In 1929, Joseph Stalin launched a campaign of forced collectivization across the Soviet Union, including Ukraine. The policy aimed to consolidate individual peasant farms into large, state-controlled collective farms (kolkhozes) to increase agricultural productivity and secure grain supplies for rapid industrialization. Ukrainian peasants, particularly wealthier ones known as "kulaks", resisted collectivization. The Soviet regime responded with brutal force, seizing land, livestock, and grain, and deporting or executing those who resisted. Collectivization led to widespread chaos in rural areas. Agricultural output plummeted due to poor planning, lack of incentives, and resistance from the peasantry. The disruption of traditional farming practices and the state's requisition of grain exacerbated food shortages.^[76]

In 1932-33, Holodomor, derived from the Ukrainian words for "hunger" (holod) and "extermination" (moryty), was a man-made famine that resulted from the Soviet government's grain requisition policies and punitive measures against those who resisted collectivization. Millions of Ukrainians died from starvation during the Holodomor. Entire villages were decimated, and the event remains one of the most tragic episodes in Ukrainian history. The Soviet government denied the famine's existence and continued exporting grain during the crisis. The Holodomor not only devastated the rural population but also weakened Ukrainian national identity and culture. It served as a stark warning against any resistance to Soviet authority.^[77]^[78]^[79]

Stalin's economic strategy included a series of Five-Year Plans aimed at rapidly industrializing the Soviet Union. Ukraine, with its rich natural resources and strategic location, was a key focus of these plans. Ukraine became a major center for heavy industry, particularly in coal mining, steel production, and machine building. Cities like Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk (now Dnipro), and Stalino (now Donetsk) were transformed into industrial hubs. The rapid growth of industry led to significant urbanization. Millions of Ukrainians moved from rural areas to cities in search of work, fundamentally altering the demographic and social landscape.^[80]

Political repression and the Great Purge

Throughout the 1930s, Stalin’s regime was marked by increasing paranoia and a desire to eliminate any perceived threats to his power. This led to widespread political repression, which affected all levels of society in Ukraine. The purges targeted Ukrainian intellectuals, artists, political leaders, and anyone accused of harboring nationalist sentiments. The goal was to eliminate any potential sources of dissent or opposition to Soviet rule.

The Great Purge reached its peak between 1936 and 1938. In Ukraine, thousands were arrested, tortured, and executed or sent to labor camps (Gulag) in remote regions of the Soviet Union. The intelligentsia, who had been initially encouraged during the Ukrainization period, were now seen as a threat to Soviet ideology. During the repressions of the second half of the 1930s, the NKVD destroyed most of the representatives of the then Ukrainian intelligentsia. Some of the artists were sent to Gulag camps, while others were driven to suicide.^[81] Slovo Building where some of these intellectuals lived and where they were secretly monitored by the Soviet special services also became known.^[82]

In the 1930s, only from Kyiv alone, which in 1934 became the capital of the Ukrainian SSR instead of Kharkiv, tens of thousands people were abducted by the Soviet security forces, who were later subjected to torture and killed. All of them were sentenced to death on fabricated cases. Their bodies were secretly buried in Bykivnia where after the independence of Ukraine and the opening of the KGB archives (before the collapse of the USSR, officials claimed that the bodies of victims of Nazis were buried here), thousands of graves were found and a memorial complex of Bykivnia graves was created.^[83]^[84]

Many prominent figures were subjected to show trials, where they were forced to confess to fabricated charges of treason, espionage, or nationalist activities before being executed. The purges created an atmosphere of fear and suspicion, stifling intellectual and cultural life. The loss of so many educated and skilled individuals had long-term negative effects on Ukraine’s development.

World War II

The Second World War began on 1 September 1939, when Hitler invaded the Western part of Poland. Sixteen days later, the Soviet Union took most of Eastern Poland. Nazi Germany with its allies invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. Between 4.5 and 6 million Ukrainians fought in the Soviet Army against the Nazis.^[85] Some Ukrainians initially regarded the Wehrmacht soldiers as liberators from Soviet rule, while others formed a partisan movement. Some elements of the Ukrainian nationalist underground formed a Ukrainian Insurgent Army that fought both Soviet forces and the Nazis. Others collaborated with the Germans. The pro-Polish trend in the Ukrainian national movement, declaring loyalty to the Second Polish Republic and in return demanding autonomy for Ukrainians (e.g. Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance), became marginalized, mainly due to its rejection by the Polish side, where supporters of forced assimilation of Ukrainians into Polish culture dominated.^[86] Some 1.5 million Jews were murdered by the Nazis during their occupation.^[87] In Volhynia, Ukrainian fighters committed a massacre against up to 100,000 Polish civilians.^[88] Residual small groups of the UPA-partizans acted near the Polish and Soviet border as long as to the 1950s.^[89] Galicia, Volhynia, South Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Carpathian Ruthenia that were annexed as a result of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in 1939 were added to the Ukrainian SSR.

Post-war Ukrainian SSR

After World War II, some amendments to the Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR were accepted, which allowed it to act as a separate subject of international law in some cases and to a certain extent, remaining a part of the Soviet Union at the same time. In particular, these amendments allowed the Ukrainian SSR to become one of the founding members of the United Nations (UN) together with the Soviet Union and the Byelorussian SSR. This was part of a deal with the United States to ensure a degree of balance in the General Assembly, which, the USSR opined, was unbalanced in favor of the Western Bloc. In its capacity as a member of the UN, the Ukrainian SSR was an elected member of the United Nations Security Council in 1948–1949 and 1984–1985.^{[citation needed]} The Crimean Oblast was transferred from the RSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954.^[90]

The deportees were transported in such wagons.

During the famine of 1946-1947, the Soviet government confiscated the entire crop from the peasants, but the western regions were less affected by the famine due to the resistance of the UIA, which is why from western Ukraine several hundred thousand people and their families were most actively deported to Siberia by MSS of Soviet Union in 1947 during the Operation "West" (The report refers to 77,791 people: 18,866 men, 35,685 women and 23,240 minors),^[91]^[92] who later raised three major uprisings, one of them (the Norilsk Uprising when the majority of prisoners were Ukrainians) put an end to the Gulag system.^[93]^[94]^{[need quotation to verify]}

In the 1960s and 1980s, it was in Ukraine that the dissident movement gained momentum more actively than in the rest of the USSR.{{It was here that the largest number of people with other political views were imprisoned or suffered from punitive psychiatry.^[95]^[96]^{[need quotation to verify]}

The town of Pripyat, Ukraine was the site of the Chernobyl disaster, which occurred on 26 April 1986, when a nuclear plant exploded. The fallout contaminated large areas of northern Ukraine and even parts of Belarus. This spurred on a local independence movement called the Rukh that helped expedite the break-up of the Soviet Union during the late 1980s.^{[citation needed]}

Independent Ukraine (1991–present)

With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine became an independent state, formalised with a referendum in December 1991. On 21 January 1990, over 300,000 Ukrainians^[97] organized a human chain for Ukrainian independence between Kiev and Lviv. Ukraine officially declared itself an independent country on 24 August 1991, when the communist Supreme Soviet (parliament) of Ukraine proclaimed that Ukraine would no longer follow the laws of USSR and only the laws of the Ukrainian SSR, de facto declaring Ukraine's independence from the Soviet Union. On 1 December, voters approved a referendum formalizing independence from the Soviet Union. Over 90% of Ukrainian citizens voted for independence, with majorities in every region, including 56% in Crimea. The Soviet Union formally ceased to exist on 26 December, when the presidents of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia (the founding members of the USSR) met in Białowieża Forest to formally dissolve the Union in accordance with the Soviet Constitution. With this, Ukraine's independence was formalized de jure and recognized by the international community.^{[citation needed]}

Also on 1 December 1991, Ukrainian voters in their first presidential election elected Leonid Kravchuk.^[98] During his presidency, the Ukrainian economy shrank by more than 10% per year (in 1994 by more than 20%).^[98] The presidency (1994–2005) of the 2nd President of Ukraine, Leonid Kuchma, was surrounded by numerous corruption scandals and the lessening of media freedoms, including the Cassette Scandal.^[98]^[99] During Kuchma's presidency, the economy recovered, with GDP growth at around 10% a year in his last years in office.^[98]

Orange Revolution and Euromaidan

In 2004, Kuchma announced that he would not run for re-election. Two major candidates emerged in the 2004 presidential election. Viktor Yanukovych,^[100] the incumbent Prime Minister, supported by both Kuchma and by the Russian Federation, wanted closer ties with Russia. The main opposition candidate, Viktor Yushchenko, called for Ukraine to turn its attention westward and aim to eventually join the EU.

In the runoff election, Yanukovych officially won by a narrow margin, but Yushchenko and his supporters alleged that vote rigging and intimidation cost him many votes, especially in eastern Ukraine. A political crisis erupted after the opposition started massive street protests in Kiev and other cities ("Orange Revolution"), and the Supreme Court of Ukraine ordered the election results null and void. A second runoff found Viktor Yushchenko the winner. Five days later, Yanukovych resigned from office and his cabinet was dismissed on 5 January 2005.^{[citation needed]}

During the Yushchenko term, relations between Russia and Ukraine often appeared strained as Yushchenko looked towards improved relations with the European Union and less toward Russia.^[101] In 2005, a highly publicized dispute over natural gas prices with Russia caused shortages in many European countries that were reliant on Ukraine as a transit country.^[102] A compromise was reached in January 2006.^[102]

By the time of the presidential election of 2010, Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko—allies during the Orange Revolution^[103]—had become bitter enemies.^[98] Tymoshenko ran for president against both Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych, creating a three-way race. Yushchenko, whose popularity had plummeted,^[101] persisted in running, and many pro-Orange voters stayed home.^[104] In the second round of the election, Yanukovych won the run-off ballot with 48% to Tymoshenko's 45%.^[105]

During his presidency (2010–2014), Yanukovych and his Party of Regions were accused of trying to create a "controlled democracy" in Ukraine and of trying to destroy the main opposition party Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko, but both have denied these charges.^[106] One frequently cited example of Yanukovych's attempts to centralise power was the 2011 sentencing of Yulia Tymoshenko, which has been condemned by Western governments as potentially being politically motivated.^[107]

In November 2013, President Yanukovych did not sign the Ukraine–European Union Association Agreement and instead pursued closer ties with Russia.^[108]^[109] This move sparked protests on the streets of Kyiv and, ultimately, the Revolution of Dignity. Protesters set up camps in Kyiv's Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square),^[110] and in December 2013 and January 2014 protesters started taking over various government buildings, first in Kyiv, and later in Western Ukraine.^[111] Battles between protesters and police resulted in about 80 deaths in February 2014.^[112]^[113]

Following the violence, the Ukrainian parliament on 22 February voted to remove Yanukovych from power (on the grounds that his whereabouts were unknown and he thus could not fulfil his duties), and to free Yulia Tymoshenko from prison. On the same day, Yanukovych supporter Volodymyr Rybak resigned as speaker of the Parliament, and was replaced by Tymoshenko loyalist Oleksandr Turchynov, who was subsequently installed as interim President.^[114] Yanukovych had fled Kyiv, and subsequently gave a press conference in the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don.^[115]

Western Integration

On 1 January 2016, Ukraine joined the DCFTA with the EU. Ukrainian citizens were granted visa-free travel to the Schengen Area for up to 90 days during any 180-day period on 11 June 2017, and the Association Agreement formally came into effect on 1 September 2017.^[116] Significant achievements in the foreign policy arena include support for anti-Russian sanctions, obtaining a visa-free regime with the countries of the European Union, and better recognition of the need to overcome extremely difficult tasks within the country. However, the old local authorities did not want any changes; they were cleansed of anti-Maidan activists (lustration), but only in part. The fight against corruption was launched, but was limited to sentences of petty officials and electronic declarations, and the newly established NABU and NACP were marked by scandals in their work. Judicial reform was combined with the appointment of old, compromised judges. The investigation of crimes against Maidan residents was delayed. In order to counteract the massive global Russian anti-Ukrainian propaganda of the "information war", the Ministry of Information Policy was created, which for 5 years did not show effective work, except for the ban on Kaspersky Lab, Dr.Web, 1С, Mail.ru, Yandex and Russian social networks VKontakte or Odnoklassniki and propaganda media. In 2017, the president signed the law "On Education", which met with opposition from national minorities, and quarreled with the Government of Hungary.^{[citation needed]}.^[117]

On 19 May 2018, Poroshenko signed a Decree which put into effect the decision of the National Security and Defense Council on the final termination of Ukraine's participation in the statutory bodies of the Commonwealth of Independent States.^[118]^[119] As of February 2019, Ukraine minimized its participation in the Commonwealth of Independent States to a critical minimum and effectively completed its withdrawal. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine did not ratify the accession, i.e. Ukraine has never been a member of the CIS.^[120]

On 6 January 2019, in Fener, a delegation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine with the participation of President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko received a Tomos on autocephaly. The Tomos was presented to the head of the OCU, Metropolitan Epiphanius, during a joint liturgy with the Ecumenical Patriarch.^[121] The next day, Tomos was brought to Ukraine for a demonstration at St. Sophia Cathedral. On 9 January, all members of the Synod of the Constantinople Orthodox Church signed the Tomos during the scheduled meeting of the Synod.^{[citation needed]}

On 21 February 2019, the Constitution of Ukraine was amended, with the norms on the strategic course of Ukraine for membership in the European Union and NATO being enshrined in the preamble of the Basic Law, three articles and transitional provisions.^[122]

On 21 April 2019, Volodymyr Zelenskyy was elected president in the second round of the presidential election. Early parliamentary elections on 21 July allowed the newly formed pro-presidential Servant of the People party to win an absolute majority of seats for the first time in the history of independent Ukraine (248). Dmytro Razumkov, the party's chairman, was elected speaker of parliament. The majority was able to form a government on 29 August on its own, without forming coalitions, and approved Oleksii Honcharuk as prime minister.^[123] On 4 March 2020, due to a 1.5% drop in GDP (instead of a 4.5% increase at the time of the election), the Verkhovna Rada fired Honcharuk's government and Denys Shmyhal^[124] became the new Prime Minister.^[125]

On 28 July 2020, in Lublin, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine created the Lublin Triangle initiative, which aims to create further cooperation between the three historical countries of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and further Ukraine's integration and accession to the EU and NATO.^[126]

On 17 May 2021, the Association Trio was formed by signing a joint memorandum between the Foreign Ministers of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Association Trio is tripartite format for the enhanced cooperation, coordination, and dialogue between the three countries (that have signed the Association Agreement with the EU) with the European Union on issues of common interest related to European integration, enhancing cooperation within the framework of the Eastern Partnership, and committing to the prospect of joining the European Union.^[127]

At the June 2021 Brussels Summit, NATO leaders reiterated the decision taken at the 2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine would become a member of the Alliance with the Membership Action Plan (MAP) as an integral part of the process and Ukraine's right to determine its own future and foreign policy without outside interference.^[128]

Ukraine was originally preparing to formally apply for EU membership in 2024, but instead signed an application for membership in February 2022.^[129]

Russo-Ukrainian War

In March 2014, the Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation occurred. Although official results of a referendum on Crimean reunification with Russia were reported as showing a large majority in favor of the proposition, the vote was organized under Russian military occupation and was denounced by the European Union and the United States as illegal.^[130]

The Crimean crisis was followed by pro-Russian unrest in east Ukraine and south Ukraine.^[131] In April 2014 Ukrainian separatists self-proclaimed the Donetsk People's Republic and Lugansk People's Republic and held referendums on 11 May 2014; the separatists claimed nearly 90% voted in favor of independence.^[132]^[131] Later in April 2014, fighting between the Ukrainian army and pro-Ukrainian volunteer battalions on one side, and forces supporting the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics on the other side, escalated into the war in Donbas.^[131]^[133] By December 2014, more than 6,400 people had died in this conflict, and according to United Nations figures it led to over half a million people becoming internally displaced within Ukraine and two hundred thousand refugees to flee to (mostly) Russia and other neighboring countries.^[134]^[135]^[136]^[137] During the same period, political (including adoption of the law on lustration and the law on decommunization) and economic reforms started.^[138] On 25 May 2014, Petro Poroshenko was elected president^[139] in the first round of the presidential election. By the second half of 2015, independent observers noted that reforms in Ukraine had considerably slowed down, corruption did not subside, and the economy of Ukraine was still in a deep crisis.^[138]^[140]^[141]^[142] By December 2015, more than 9,100 people had died (largely civilians) in the war in Donbas,^[143] according to United Nations figures.^[144]

On 2 February 2021, a presidential decree banned the television broadcasting of the pro-Russian TV channels 112 Ukraine, NewsOne and ZIK.^[145]^[146] The decision of the National Security and Defense Council and the Presidential Decree of 19 February 2021 imposed sanctions on 8 individuals and 19 legal entities, including Putin's pro-Russian politician and Putin's godfather Viktor Medvedchuk and his wife Oksana Marchenko.^[147]^[148]

The Kerch Strait incident occurred on 25 November 2018 when the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) coast guard fired upon and captured three Ukrainian Navy vessels attempting to pass from the Black Sea into the Sea of Azov through the Kerch Strait on their way to the port of Mariupol.^[149]^[150]

Throughout 2021, Russian forces built up along the Russia-Ukraine Border, in occupied Crimea and Donbas, and in Belarus.^[151] On 24 February 2022, Russian forces invaded Ukraine.^[152] Russia quickly occupied much of the east and south of the country, but failed to advance past the city of Mykolaiv towards Odesa, and were forced to retreat from the north after failing to occupy Kyiv, Chernihiv, Sumy, and Kharkiv.^[153] After failing to gain further territories and being driven out of Kharkiv Oblast by a fast-paced Ukrainian counteroffensive,^[154] Russia officially annexed the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic, along with most of the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia Oblasts on 30 September. The invasion was met with international condemnation. The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution condemning the invasion and demanding a full Russian withdrawal in March 2022. The International Court of Justice ordered Russia to suspend military operations and the Council of Europe expelled Russia. Many countries imposed sanctions on Russia and its ally Belarus, and provided humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine. The Baltic states all declared Russia a terrorist state. Protests occurred around the world, along with mass arrests of anti-war protesters in Russia, which also enacted a law enabling greater media censorship. Over 1,000 companies closed their operations in Russia and Belarus as a result of the invasion.^[155]

On the eve of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the country was the poorest in Europe,^[156] a handicap whose cause was attributed to high corruption levels^[157] and the slow pace of economic liberalization and institutional reform.^[158]^[159]^[160]^[161] Russia's invasion of the country damaged Ukraine's economy and future prospects of improvement to such an extent, that the GDP of the country was projected to shrink by as much as 35% in its first year alone after the invasion.^[162]

National historiography

Knowledge about Ukraine in other parts of the world came chiefly from Russian secondary sources until relatively recently. After the second half of the seventeenth century, when Muscovy and later the Russian Empire came to control much of Ukrainian territory, Russian writers included Ukraine as part of Russian history. This included referring to medieval Kievan Rus' as "Kievan Russia" and its Old East Slavic culture and inhabitants as "Kievan Russian" or "Old Russian". Later Ukraine or its parts were called "Little Russia", "South Russia", "West Russia" (with Belarus), or "New Russia" (the Black Sea coast and southeastern steppe). But parts of Ukraine beyond Russia's reach were called Ruthenia and its people Ruthenians. The names chosen to refer to Ukraine and Ukrainians have often reflected a certain political position, and sometimes even to deny the existence of Ukrainian nationality.^[24]^: 10–11 The Russian point-of-view of Ukrainian history became the prevailing one in Western academia, and although the bias was identified as early as the 1950s, many scholars of Slavic studies and history believe significant changes are still necessary to correct the Moscow-centric view.^[163]

The scholarly study of Ukraine's history emerged from romantic impulses in the late 19th century when German Romanticism spread to Eastern Europe. The outstanding leaders were Volodymyr Antonovych (1834–1908), based in Kiev, and his student Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1866–1934).^[164] The first serious challenge to the Russian view of Ukraine was Hrushevsky's 1904 article "The Traditional Scheme of 'Russian' History and the Problem of the Rational organization of the History of the Eastern Slavs".^[165] For the first time full-scale scholarly studies based on archival sources, modern research techniques, and modern historical theories became possible. However, the demands of government officials—Tsarist, to a lesser degree Austro-Hungarian and Polish, and later Soviet—made it difficult to disseminate ideas that ran counter to the central government. Therefore, exile schools of historians emerged in central Europe and Canada after 1920.^{[citation needed]}

Strikingly different interpretations of the medieval state of Kievan Rus' appear in the four schools of historiography within Ukraine: Russophile, Sovietophile, Eastern Slavic, and Ukrainophile. In the Soviet Union, there was a radical break after 1921, led by Mikhail Pokrovsky. Until 1934, history was generally not regarded as chauvinistic, but was rewritten in the style of Marxist historiography. National "pasts" were rewritten as social and national liberation for non-Russians, and social liberation for Russians, in a process that ended in 1917. Under Stalin, the state and its official historiography were given a distinct Russian character and a certain Russocentrism. Imperial history was rewritten such that non-Russian love caused an emulation and deference to "join" the Russian people by becoming part of the (tsarist) Russian state, and in return, Russian state interests were driven by altruism and concern for neighboring people.^[166] Russophile and Sovietophile schools have become marginalized in independent Ukraine, with the Ukrainophile school being dominant in the early 21st century. The Ukrainophile school promotes an identity that is mutually exclusive of Russia. It has come to dominate the nation's educational system, security forces, and national symbols and monuments, although it has been dismissed as nationalist by Western historians. The East Slavic school, an eclectic compromise between Ukrainophiles and Russophilism, has a weaker ideological and symbolic base, although it is preferred by Ukraine's centrist former elites.^[167]

Many historians in recent years have sought alternatives to national histories, and Ukrainian history invited approaches that looked beyond a national paradigm. Multiethnic history recognises the numerous peoples in Ukraine; transnational history portrays Ukraine as a border zone for various empires; and area studies categorises Ukraine as part of East-Central Europe or, less often, as part of Eurasia. Serhii Plokhy argues that looking beyond the country's national history has made possible a richer understanding of Ukraine, its people, and the surrounding regions.^[168] since 2015, there has been renewed interest in integrating a "territorial-civic" and "linguistic-ethnic" history of Ukraine. For example, the history of the Crimean Tatars and the more distant history of the Crimea peninsula is now integrated into Ukrainian school history. This is part of the constitutionally mandated "people of Ukraine" rather than "Ukrainian people". Slowly, the histories of Poles and Jews are also being reintegrated. However, due to the current political climate caused by territorial sovereignty breaches by Russia, the role of Russians as "co-host" has been greatly minimized, and there are still unresolved difficult issues of the past, for example, the role of Ukrainians during the Holodomor.^[169]

After 1991, historical memory was a powerful tool in the political mobilization and legitimation of the post-Soviet Ukrainian state, as well as the division of selectively used memory along the lines of the political division of Ukrainian society. Ukraine did not experience the restorationist paradigm typical of some other post-Soviet nations, for example the three Baltic countries—Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia—although the multifaceted history of independence, the Orthodox Church in Ukraine, Soviet-era repressions, mass famine, and World War II collaboration were used to provide a different constitutive frame for developing Ukrainian nationhood. The politics of identity (which includes the production of history textbooks and the authorization of commemorative practices) has remained fragmented and tailored to reflect the ideological anxieties and concerns of individual regions of Ukraine.^[170]

Canadian historiography on Ukraine

In Soviet Ukraine, twentieth-century historians were strictly limited in the range of models and topics they could cover, with Moscow insisting on an official Marxist approach. However, émigré Ukrainians in Canada developed an independent scholarship that ignored Marxism, and shared the Western tendencies in historiography.^[171] George W. Simpson and Orest Subtelny were leaders promoting Ukrainian studies in Canadian academe.^[172] The lack of independence in Ukraine meant that traditional historiographical emphases on diplomacy and politics were handicapped. The flourishing of social history after 1960 opened many new approaches for researchers in Canada; Subtelny used the modernization model. Later historiographical trends were quickly adapted to the Ukrainian evidence, with special focus on Ukrainian nationalism. The new cultural history, post-colonial studies, and the "linguistic turn" augmenting, if not replacing social history, allowed for multiple angles of approach. By 1991, historians in Canada had freely explored a wide range of approaches regarding the emergence of a national identity. After independence, a high priority in Canada was assisting in the freeing of Ukrainian scholarship from Soviet-Marxist orthodoxy—which downplayed Ukrainian nationalism and insisted that true Ukrainians were always trying to reunite with Russia. Independence from Moscow meant freedom from an orthodoxy that was never well suited to Ukrainian developments. Scholars in Ukraine welcomed the "national paradigm" that Canadian historians had helped develop. Since 1991, the study of Ukrainian nation-building became an increasingly global and collaborative enterprise, with scholars from Ukraine studying and working in Canada, and with conferences on related topics attracting scholars from around the world.^[173]

Notes

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Bibliography

Surveys and reference

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Gasparov, Boris; Raevsky-Hughes, Olga (2018) [1993]. Christianity and the Eastern Slavs, Volume I: Slavic Cultures in the Middle Ages. University of California Press. p. 374.
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Ostrowski, Donald (2018). "Was There a Riurikid Dynasty in Early Rus'?". Canadian-American Slavic Studies. 52 (1): 30–49. doi:10.1163/22102396-05201009.
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Plokhy, Serhii (2015). The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-4650-5091-8.
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Subtelny, Orest (2009). Ukraine: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-8390-6. A Ukrainian translation is available online.
Wilson, Andrew. The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation. Yale University Press; 2nd edition (2002). ISBN 0-3000-9309-8.
Yekelchyk, Serhy (2007). Ukraine: Birth of a Modern Nation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-1953-0546-3. OCLC 219616283.

Topical studies

Kononenko, Konstantyn. Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations between Ukraine and Russia, 1654–1917 (Marquette University Press 1958).
Luckyj, George S. Towards an Intellectual History of Ukraine: An Anthology of Ukrainian Thought from 1710 to 1995 (1996).
Shkandrij, Myroslav. Ukrainian Nationalism: Politics, Ideology, and Literature, 1929–1956 (Yale University Press; 2014) 331 pp.; Studies the ideology and legacy of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists Especially by Dmytro Dontsov, Olena Teliha, Leonid Mosendz, Oleh Olzhych, Yurii Lypa, Ulas Samchuk, Yurii Klen, and Dokia Humenna.

1930s, World War II

Applebaum, Anne. Red Famine: Stalin's War on Ukraine (2017); 496 pp. online review.
Boshyk, Yuri (1986). Ukraine During World War II: History and Its Aftermath. Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. ISBN 0-920862-37-3.
Berkhoff, Karel C., Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule. Harvard U. Press, 2004. 448 pp.
Brandon, Ray, and Wendy Lower, eds. The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization (2008). 378 pp. online review.
Conquest, Robert. The Harvest Of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivisation and the Terror-Famine (1986).
Gross, Jan T. Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (1988).
Kostiuk, Hryhory. Stalinist Rule in the Ukraine. Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., New York, 1960 (156 pp.): Online.
Kudelia, Serhiy. "Choosing Violence in Irregular Wars: The Case of Anti-Soviet Insurgency in Western Ukraine", East European Politics and Societies (2013) 27#1 pp 149–181.
Lower, Wendy. Nazi Empire-Building and the Holocaust in Ukraine. U. of North Carolina Press, 2005. 307 pp.
Manning, Clarence, Ukraine under the Soviets. Bookman Associates, New York, 1953 (219 pp.): Online.
Narvselius, Eleonora. "The 'Bandera Debate': The Contentious Legacy of World War II and Liberalization of Collective Memory in Western Ukraine", Canadian Slavonic Papers (2012) 54#3 pp 469–490.
Redlich, Shimon. Together and Apart in Brzezany: Poles, Jews, and Ukrainians, 1919–1945. Indiana U. Press, 2002. 202 pp.
Zabarko, Boris, ed. Holocaust In The Ukraine, Mitchell Vallentine & Co, 2005. 394 pp.

Recent history

Aslund, Anders, and Michael McFaul. Revolution in Orange: The Origins of Ukraine's Democratic Breakthrough (2006).
Blaj, L. (2013). "Ukraine's Independence and Its Geostrategic Impact in Eastern Europe". Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. 21 (2–3): 165. doi:10.1080/0965156X.2013.841797. S2CID 143454991.
Paul D'Anieri (1999). Politics and Society in Ukraine. Avalon. ISBN 9780813335384.
Dimarov, Anatoliy et al. A Hunger Most Cruel: The Human Face of the 1932–1933 Terror-Famine in Soviet Ukraine (2002) excerpt and text search.
Askold Krushelnycky. An Orange Revolution: A Personal Journey Through Ukrainian History (2006). ISBN 0-436-20623-4. 320 pp.
Kutaisov, Aleksandr. Ukraina (1918).
Kuzio, Taras. Ukraine: State and Nation Building (1998). ISBN 0-415-17195-4.
Luckyj, George S. Literary Politics in the Soviet Ukraine, 1917–1934 (1990). ISBN 0-8223-1081-3.
Wanner, Catherine. Burden of Dreams: History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (1998) excerpt and text search.

Historiography and memory

von Hagen, Mark (1995). "Does Ukraine Have a History?". Slavic Review. 54 (3): 658–673. doi:10.2307/2501741. ISSN 0037-6779. Wikidata Q113708200.
Himka, John-Paul. "The National and the Social in the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1920- The Historiographical Agenda". Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, vol. 34 (1994): 95–110.
Hrushevskyi, Mykhailo (1904). "The traditional scheme of 'Russian' history and the problem of a rational organization of the history of the East Slavs". Articles on Slavistics (in Ukrainian). 1, 2 (55, 2): 35–42, 355–364. Wikidata Q28703759.
Kasianov, Georgiy, and Philipp Ther, eds. Laboratory of Transnational History: Ukraine and Recent Ukrainian Historiography (Central European University Press 2009). ^{[ISBN missing]}.
Krawchenko, Bohdan. "Ukrainian studies in Canada". Nationalities Papers 6.1 (1978): 26–43.
Plokhy, Serhii, ed. (2016). The Future of the Past: New Perspectives on Ukrainian History. Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. ISBN 978-1-932650-16-7. Wikidata Q116456399.
Plokhy, Serhii (2021). Quo Vadis Ukrainian History?. The Frontline: Essays on Ukraine's Past and Present. pp. 1–14. doi:10.2307/J.CTV2902B86.6. ISBN 978-0-674-26882-1. Wikidata Q116456336.
Reid, Anna. "Putin's War on History: The Thousand-Year Struggle Over Ukraine" Foreign Affairs (May/June 2022) 101#1 pp. 54–63. excerpt^{[permanent dead link]}
Smith-Peter, Susan (1 April 2022). "What do Scholars of Russia owe Ukraine?". Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia. Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia. Wikidata Q116456099.
Subtelny, Orest. "The Current State of Ukrainian Historiography". Journal of Ukrainian Studies. 18 (1–2): 33–54. ISSN 0228-1635. Wikidata Q116456077.
Velychenko, Stephen, National history as cultural process: a survey of the interpretations of Ukraine's past in Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian historical writing from the earliest times to 1914 (Edmonton, 1992).
Velychenko, Stephen, Shaping identity in Eastern Europe and Russia: Soviet-Russian and Polish accounts of Ukrainian history, 1914–1991 (London, 1993).
Verstiuk, Vladyslav. "Conceptual Issues in Studying the History of the Ukrainian Revolution". Journal of Ukrainian Studies 24.1 (1999): 5–20.
Wade, Rex A., "The Revolution At Ninety-(One): Anglo-American Historiography Of The Russian Revolution Of 1917", Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 1.1 (2008): vii-42.
Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Studying the Blueprint for a Nation: Canadian Historiography of Modern Ukraine". East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5.1 (2018).

Teaching and study guides

John Vsetecka, "Integrating Scholarship on Ukraine into Classroom SyllabiLet Ukraine Speak: Integrating Scholarship on Ukraine into Classroom Syllabii".
Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, "Teaching and Studying Ukraine: List of Resources".

Primary sources in English

Luckyj, George S. Towards an Intellectual History of Ukraine: An Anthology of Ukrainian Thought from 1710 to 1995 (1996).

Ukrainian language

Essays on History on Ukraine.
- Volume 1 by Natalia Yakovenko, "From the Earliest Times until the End of the 18th Century".
- Volume 2: Ярослав Грицак (Yaroslav Hrytsak) (1996). Формування модерної української нації XIX-XX ст. (Formation of the Modern Ukrainian Nation in the late 19th–20th centuries). Kyiv: Генеза (Heneza). ISBN 966-504-150-9.. Available online.
"Ukraine: Briefly about Her Past and Present Archived 11 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine", in Welcome to Ukraine, 2003, 1.
Alexander F. Tsvirkun History of Ukraine.7 class electronic textbooks. Kyiv., 2005 (co-authored with Valentin A.Savelii).
Alexander F. Tsvirkun E-learning course. History of Ukraine. Journal Auditorium, Kyiv 2010.

External links

Media related to History of Ukraine at Wikimedia Commons

History of Ukraine: Primary Documents (weblist)
History of Ukraine: 10 complete books
Ukrainian history overview published in Den' (in Ukrainian).

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 {{Main|Executed Renaissance}}
-[[File:Биківнянські могили3.jpg|thumb|Mass burial in Bykivnia]]
 Throughout the 1930s, Stalin’s regime was marked by increasing paranoia and a desire to eliminate any perceived threats to his power. This led to widespread political repression, which affected all levels of society in Ukraine. The purges targeted Ukrainian intellectuals, artists, political leaders, and anyone accused of harboring nationalist sentiments. The goal was to eliminate any potential sources of dissent or opposition to Soviet rule.
 The Great Purge reached its peak between 1936 and 1938. In Ukraine, thousands were arrested, tortured, and executed or sent to labor camps ([[Gulag]]) in remote regions of the Soviet Union. The intelligentsia, who had been initially encouraged during the Ukrainization period, were now seen as a threat to Soviet ideology. During the repressions of the second half of the 1930s, the [[NKVD]] destroyed most of the representatives of the then Ukrainian intelligentsia. Some of the artists were sent to Gulag camps, while others were driven to suicide.<ref>Павличко С. Дискурс модернізму в українській літературі: [монографія] / С. Павличко. — К.: Либідь, 1997. — C. 170.</ref> [[Slovo Building]] where some of these intellectuals lived and where they were secretly monitored by the Soviet special services also became known.<ref>Українська література XX століття: навч.-метод. посіб. для студентів 2-го курсу, які навчаються за спец. 035 — Філологія (заоч. форма) / Нар. укр. акад., каф. українознавства; упоряд. О. В. Слюніна. — Харків: Вид-во НУА, 2018. — 128 с.</ref>
+[[File:Биківнянські могили3.jpg|thumb|Mass burial in Bykivnia]]
 In the 1930s, only from Kyiv alone, which in 1934 became the capital of the Ukrainian SSR instead of [[Kharkiv]], tens of thousands people were abducted by the Soviet security forces, who were later subjected to torture and killed. All of them were sentenced to death on fabricated cases. Their bodies were secretly buried in [[Bykivnia]] where after the independence of Ukraine and the opening of the [[KGB]] archives (before the [[collapse of the USSR]], officials claimed that the bodies of victims of Nazis were buried here), thousands of graves were found and a memorial complex of [[Bykivnia graves]] was created.<ref name="Pearson">{{cite book |author=Raymond Pearson |author-link=Raymond Pearson |title=The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire |year=2002 |publisher=Palgrave |isbn=0333948076 |url=https://archive.org/details/risefallofsoviet00pear |page=[https://archive.org/details/risefallofsoviet00pear/page/n243 220] |url-access=registration }}</ref><ref name="Kuzio">{{cite book | author =Taras Kuzio |author2=Andrew Wilson | title = Ukraine: Perestroika to Independence |year=1994 |publisher=Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press |location=[[University of Alberta]] | isbn=092086287X }}</ref>

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