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{{short description|Decision rule that selects alternatives which have a majority}}
{{short description|Decision rule that selects alternatives which have a majority}}


{{for multi|the Canadian comedy series|Majority Rules!|the hggt7y;yyh7yhy7 vhky7j5ejtryug8lfjuxe876ufky2geu,band|Majority Rule (band)}}
{{for multi|the Canadian comedy series|Majority Rules!{{!}}''Majority Rules!''|the band|Majority Rule (band)|the political philosophy|majoritarianism}}{{Democracy}}
{{Democracy}}
{{Electoral systems}}
{{Electoral systems}}
{{Politics}}In [[social choice theory]], the '''majority rule''' ('''MR''') is a [[social choice rule]] which says that, when comparing two options (such as [[Bill (law)|bills]] or [[Candidate|candidates]]), the option preferred by more than half of the voters (a ''majority'') should win.
{{Politics}}
'''Majority rule''' is the principle that the group which has the most supporters get to decide the rules that all (including any [[Tyranny of the majority|opposing minority]]) will be [[Coercion|compelled]] to abide by. A majority is more than half of the voters involved, and rule by such a majority is thought to be to the benefit of more than rule by less than half (a mere minority) would be. Majority rule is the binary decision rule most often used in decision-making bodies, including many [[legislature]]s of [[Electoral democracy|democratic nation]]s. Where no one party wins a majority of the seats in a legislature, the majority of legislators that wields power is partly composed of members of other parties in support.


In [[political philosophy]], the ''majority rule'' is one of two major competing notions of [[democracy]]. The most common alternative is given by the [[utilitarian rule]] (or other [[Welfarism|welfarist]] rules), which identify the spirit of [[liberal democracy]] with the [[equal consideration of interests]].<ref name=":0">Ball, Terence and Antis Loizides, [https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2020/entries/james-mill "James Mill"], The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2020 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.).</ref> Although the two rules can disagree in theory, [[political philosophers]] beginning with [[James Mill]] have argued the two can be reconciled in practice, with majority rule being a valid approximation to the utilitarian rule whenever voters share similarly-strong preferences.<ref name=":0" /><ref name="laslier112">{{cite Q|Q108664719}}</ref> This position has found strong support in many [[Social choice theory|social choice]] models, where the [[Utilitarian rule|socially-optimal winner]] and the [[Condorcet winner|majority-preferred winner]] often overlap.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Pivato |first=Marcus |date=2015-08-01 |title=Condorcet meets Bentham |url=https://thema.u-cergy.fr/IMG/documents/2014-17.pdf |journal=Journal of Mathematical Economics |volume=59 |pages=58–65 |doi=10.1016/j.jmateco.2015.04.006 |issn=0304-4068 |quote=We show that if the statistical distribution of utility functions in a population satisfies a certain condition, then a Condorcet winner will not only exist, but will also maximize the utilitarian social welfare function. |via=}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last1=Krishna |first1=Vijay |last2=Morgan |first2=John |date=2015 |title=Majority Rule and Utilitarian Welfare |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/43949040 |journal=American Economic Journal: Microeconomics |volume=7 |issue=4 |pages=339–375 |doi=10.1257/mic.20140038 |jstor=43949040 |issn=1945-7669}}</ref>
Where only two candidates are competing for a single seat, one or the other will take a majority of valid votes. But in situations where more than two are competing, simple plurality is sometimes considered as close as possible to majority in which case [[plurality (voting)|having plurality is enough to be elected]], while in some systems such as [[Instant-runoff voting]] special efforts are made to ensure that the winner is in fact the majority choice even where three or more are competing for the same spot.


Majority rule is the most common social choice rule worldwide, being heavily used in [[Deliberative assembly|deliberative assemblies]] for [[Dichotomy|dichotomous]] decisions, e.g. whether or not to pass a bill.<ref name="Tyranny">{{cite journal |author=Anthony J. McGann |year=2002 |title=The Tyranny of the Supermajority: How Majority Rule Protects Minorities |url=http://repositories.cdlib.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=csd |format=PDF |publisher=Center for the Study of Democracy |access-date=2008-06-09}}</ref> [[Mandatory referendum|Mandatory referendums]] where the question is yes or no are also generally decided by majority rule.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Vatter |first1=Adrian |date=2000 |title=Consensus and direct democracy:Conceptual and empirical linkages |url=https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1007137026336 |journal=European Journal of Political Research |volume=38 |issue=2 |pages=171–192 |doi=10.1023/A:1007137026336}}</ref> It is one of the basic rules of [[parliamentary procedure]], as described in handbooks like ''[[Robert's Rules of Order]].<ref name=":0" />''
Where multiple members are elected in a district as may happen under [[Proportional representation]] or [[Plurality block voting]], no candidate may receive a majority of votes cast. Under block voting, the winners, usually of just one party, often have received only a minority of the votes cast. Under proportional representation the combined vote tallies of the successful candidates make up a majority of valid votes. And as such are thought to represent the will of more voters than candidates supported by just a minority of the voters.


== Alternatives ==
== Alternatives ==
=== Plurality rules ===
[[File:Plurality_versus_Majority.png|left|thumb|Pie charts plurality (left) and majority (right)]]
One alternative to the majority rule is the set of [[Plurality rule|plurality rules]], which includes [[Instant-runoff voting|ranked choice-runoff (RCV)]], [[two-round plurality]], or [[First preference plurality|first-preference plurality]]. This is often used in elections with more than two candidates. In these elections, the winning candidate is the one with the most votes after applying some voting procedure, even if a majority of voters would prefer some other candidate.<ref name="Tyranny" />


=== Plurality ===
=== Cardinal rules ===
{{Main|Utilitarian rule|Cardinal utility|Rated voting}}
[[File:Plurality_versus_Majority.png|thumb|left|Pie charts plurality (left) and majority (right)]]One alternative to majority rule is [[Plurality voting system|plurality]] ([[First-past-the-post voting]] or FPTP). This is often used in elections with more than two candidates. In this case, the winner is the one with the most votes, whether or not that constitutes a majority.<ref name="Tyranny">{{cite journal |author=Anthony J. McGann |year=2002 |title=The Tyranny of the Supermajority: How Majority Rule Protects Minorities |url=http://repositories.cdlib.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=csd |format=PDF |publisher=Center for the Study of Democracy |access-date=2008-06-09}}</ref>


The [[utilitarian rule]], and [[Rated voting|cardinal social choice rules]] in general, take into account not just the number of voters who support each choice but also the intensity of their [[Preference (economics)|preferences]].
=== Supermajority ===
Parliamentary rules may prescribe the use of a [[Supermajority|supermajoritarian rule]] under certain circumstances, such as the 60% [[filibuster]] rule to close debate in the [[United States Senate|US Senate]].<ref>{{Harvard citation no brackets|Robert|2011|p=401}}</ref> However such requirement means that 41 percent of the members or more could prevent debate from being closed, an example where the majority will would be blocked by a minority.


Philosophers critical of majority rule have often argued that majority rule does not take into account the [[intensity of preference]] for different voters, and as a result "two voters who are casually interested in doing something" can defeat one voter who has "dire opposition" to the proposal of the two,<ref>{{cite web |year=2005 |title=An Anarchist Critique of Democracy |url=http://www.thoughtcrime.org/writings/democracy.html |archive-url=https://archive.today/20080429224620/http://www.thoughtcrime.org/writings/democracy.html |archive-date=2008-04-29 |access-date=2008-06-09}}</ref> leading to poor deliberative practice or even to "an aggressive culture and conflict";<ref>{{cite web |year=2005 |title=What's wrong with majority voting? |url=http://seedsforchange.org.uk/free/consens#wrong |access-date=2006-01-17 |work=Consensus Decision Making |publisher=Seeds for Change}}</ref> however, the [[median voter theorem]] guarantees that majority-rule will tend to elect "compromise" or "consensus" candidates in many situations, unlike plurality-rules (see [[center squeeze]]).
== Use ==
Majority rule is common in [[Liberal democracy|liberal democracies]]. It is used in [[Legislature|legislatures]] and other bodies.<ref name="Tyranny" /> It is one of the basic rules of [[parliamentary procedure]] such as ''[[Robert's Rules of Order]]''.<ref>{{Cite book|title = Robert's Rules of Order Newly Revised|last = Robert|first = Henry M.|publisher = Da Capo Press|year = 2011|isbn = 978-0-306-82020-5|location = Philadelphia, PA|pages = 4|edition = 11th|quote = The basic principle of decision in a [[deliberative assembly]] is that, to become the act or choice of the body, a proposition must be adopted by a ''majority vote''. . .|display-authors=etal}}</ref> [[Referendum]]s where the question is yes or no are also decided by majority rule.


== Properties ==
=== Supermajority rules ===
Parliamentary rules may prescribe the use of a [[Supermajority|supermajoritarian rule]] under certain circumstances, such as the 60% [[filibuster]] rule to close debate in the [[United States Senate|US Senate]].<ref name=":1" /> However such requirement means that 41 percent of the members or more could prevent debate from being closed, an example where the majority will would be blocked by a minority.


== Properties ==
=== May's Theorem ===
=== May's Theorem ===
{{main|May's Theorem}}
{{main|May's Theorem}}
According to [[Kenneth May]], majority rule is the only "fair" decision rule. Majority rule does not let some votes count more than others or privilege an alternative by requiring fewer votes to pass. Formally, majority rule is the only binary decision rule that has the following properties:<ref name="May">{{cite journal |jstor = 1907651|title = A Set of Independent Necessary and Sufficient Conditions for Simple Majority Decision|journal = Econometrica|volume = 20|issue = 4|pages = 680–684|last1 = May|first1 = Kenneth O.|year = 1952|doi = 10.2307/1907651}}</ref><ref name="Fey">Mark Fey, "[https://web.archive.org/web/20030806231803/http://troi.cc.rochester.edu/~markfey/papers/May.pdf May's Theorem with an Infinite Population]", ''Social Choice and Welfare'', 2004, Vol. 23, issue 2, pages 275–293.</ref>
[[Kenneth May]] proved that the simple majority rule is the only "fair" [[Ordinal utility|ordinal]] decision rule, in that majority rule does not let some votes count more than others or privilege an alternative by requiring fewer votes to pass. Formally, majority rule is the only decision rule that has the following properties:<ref name="May2">{{cite journal |last1=May |first1=Kenneth O. |year=1952 |title=A Set of Independent Necessary and Sufficient Conditions for Simple Majority Decision |journal=Econometrica |volume=20 |issue=4 |pages=680–684 |doi=10.2307/1907651 |jstor=1907651}}</ref><ref name="Fey2">Mark Fey, "[https://web.archive.org/web/20030806231803/http://troi.cc.rochester.edu/~markfey/papers/May.pdf May's Theorem with an Infinite Population]", ''Social Choice and Welfare'', 2004, Vol. 23, issue 2, pages 275–293.</ref>


* [[Anonymity (social choice)|'''Anonymity''']]: the decision rule treats each voter identically ([[one vote, one value]]). Who casts a vote makes no difference; the voter's identity need not be disclosed.
* Fairness: This can be separated into two properties:
** Anonymity: the decision rule treats each voter identically. Who casts a vote makes no difference; the voter's identity need not be disclosed.
* [[Neutrality (social choice)|'''Neutrality''']]: the decision rule treats each ''alternative'' or ''candidate'' equally (a [[free and fair election]]).
* [[Resolvability criterion|'''Decisiveness''']]: if the vote is tied, adding a single voter (who expresses an opinion) will break the tie.
** Neutrality: the decision rule treats each alternative equally. This is unlike [[Supermajority|supermajoritarian]] rules, which can allow the status quo to prevail even though it received fewer votes.
* [[Positive response|'''Positive response''']]: If a voter changes a preference, MR never switches the outcome against that voter. If the outcome the voter now prefers would have won, it still does so.
* Decisiveness: the decision rule selects a unique winner.
* [[Ranked voting|'''Ordinality''']]: the decision rule relies only on ''which'' of two outcomes a voter prefers, not ''how much''.<!--<!--While not as clearly desirable as the other principles are, this condition is needed for strategyproofness, and can also be helpful in situations where cardinal information is unavailable.--&gt;-->
* Monotonicity: If a voter changes a preference, MR never switches the outcome against that voter. If the outcome the voter now prefers would have won, it still does so.
** This can be replaced by [[strategyproofness]], i.e. every person's [[dominant strategy]] is to honestly disclose their preferences.


=== Agenda Manipulation ===
Majority rule meets these criteria only if the number of voters is odd or infinite. If the number of voters is even, ties are possible, violating neutrality. Some assemblies permit the chair to vote only to break ties. This substitutes a loss of anonymity for the loss of neutrality.
{{Main|McKelvey–Schofield chaos theorem}}
If voter's preferences are defined over a multidimensional option space, then choosing options using pairwise majority rule is unstable. In most cases, there will be no [[Condorcet winner criterion|Condorcet winner]] and any option can be chosen through a sequence of votes, regardless of the original option. This means that adding more options and changing the order of votes ("agenda manipulation") can be used to arbitrarily pick the winner.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Cox |first1=Gary W. |author-link=Gary W. Cox |title=Positive Changes in Political Science |last2=Shepsle |first2=Kenneth A. |author-link2=Kenneth Shepsle |pages=20–23 |chapter=Majority Cycling and Agenda Manipulation: Richard McKelvey's Contributions and Legacy |date=2007 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-0-472-06986-6 |editor-last=Aldrich |editor-first=John Herbert |series=Analytical perspectives on politics |location=Ann Arbor, Michigan |editor-last2=Alt |editor-first2=James E. |editor-last3=Lupia |editor-first3=Arthur}}</ref>


=== Other properties ===
=== Other properties ===
In group decision-making [[Voting paradox|voting paradoxes]] can form. It is possible that alternatives a, b, and c exist such that a majority prefers a to b, another majority prefers b to c, and yet another majority prefers c to a. Because majority rule requires an alternative to have majority support to pass, majority rule is vulnerable to rejecting the majority's decision.

==== Voting paradox ====
In group decision-making [[voting paradox|voting paradoxes]] can form. It is possible that alternatives a, b, and c exist such that a majority prefers a to b, another majority prefers b to c, and yet another majority prefers c to a. (For each proposition to have majority, the measure must involve more than just voter's first preference.) Because majority rule requires an alternative to have majority support to pass, majority rule is vulnerable to rejecting the majority's decision. (The minimum number of alternatives that can form such a cycle (voting paradox) is 3 if the number of voters is different from 4, because the [[Nakamura number]] of the majority rule is 3. For supermajority rules the minimum number is often greater, because the Nakamura number is often greater.) Where three options such a, b, or c are involved, plurality ([[First-past-the-post]]|FPTP) or some majoritarian system is used such as [[Instant-runoff voting]] or two-round voting.

==== Responsiveness ====
Rae argued and Taylor proved in 1969 that majority rule maximizes the likelihood that the issues a voter votes for will pass and that the issues a voter votes against will fail.<ref name="Tyranny" /> Under majority rule, more voters see their choice reflected in the election results; only a minority are not reflected in the results.

=== Utilitarian welfare ===
Schmitz and Tröger (2012) consider a collective choice problem with two alternatives and show that majority rule maximizes utilitarian welfare among all incentive-compatible, anonymous, and neutral voting rules, provided that voter's types are independent.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Schmitz|first1=Patrick W.|last2=Tröger|first2=Thomas|date=2012|title=The (sub-)optimality of the majority rule|journal=Games and Economic Behavior|volume=74|issue=2|pages=651–665|doi=10.1016/j.geb.2011.08.002|issn=0899-8256|url=https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/32716/1/MPRA_paper_32716.pdf}}</ref> When votersʼ utilities are stochastically correlated, other dominant-strategy choice rules may perform better than majority rule. Azrieli and Kim (2014) extend the analysis of independent types to asymmetric environments and by considering both anonymous and non-anonymous rules.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Azrieli|first1=Yaron|last2=Kim|first2=Semin|date=2014|title=Pareto efficiency and weighted majority rules|journal=International Economic Review|language=en|volume=55|issue=4|pages=1067–1088|doi=10.1111/iere.12083|s2cid=54538209|issn=0020-6598}}</ref>


== Limitations ==
== Limitations ==
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==== Minority rights ====
==== Minority rights ====


A Super=-majority rule actually empowers the minority, making it stronger (at least through its veto) than the majority. McGann argued that when only one of multiple minorities is protected by the super-majority rule (same as seen in simple plurality elections systems), so the protection is for the status quo, rather than for the faction that supports it.
A super-majority rule actually empowers the minority, making it stronger (at least through its veto) than the majority. McGann argued that when only one of multiple minorities is protected by the super-majority rule (same as seen in simple plurality elections systems), so the protection is for the status quo, rather than for the faction that supports it.


Another possible way to prevent tyranny is to elevate certain rights as [[Natural rights and legal rights|inalienable]].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EMB-F6Forx8C&pg=PA223 |page=223 |title=Democracy and the Rule of Law |isbn=9780521532662 |last1=Przeworski |first1=Adam |last2=Maravall |first2=José María |date=2003-07-21 |publisher=Cambridge University Press }}</ref> Thereafter, any decision that targets such a right might be [[majoritarian]], but it would not be legitimate, because it would violate the requirement for [[civil rights|equal rights]].
Another possible way to prevent tyranny is to elevate certain rights as [[Natural rights and legal rights|inalienable]].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EMB-F6Forx8C&pg=PA223 |page=223 |title=Democracy and the Rule of Law |isbn=9780521532662 |last1=Przeworski |first1=Adam |last2=Maravall |first2=José María |date=2003-07-21 |publisher=Cambridge University Press }}</ref> Thereafter, any decision that targets such a right might be [[majoritarian]], but it would not be legitimate, because it would violate the requirement for [[civil rights|equal rights]].
<!--Erroneous priorities


The erroneous priorities effect (EPE) states that groups that act upon what they initially consider important almost always misplace their effort. Such groups have not yet determined which factors are most influential. Only after identifying those factors can they take effective action. EPE was articulated by K.M. Dye at the [[Food and Drug Administration]].<ref>Dye, K.M. and Conaway, D.S. (1999) 'Lessons learned from five years of application of the cogniscope', Approach to the Food and Drug Administration, CWA Report, Interactive Management Consultants, Paoli.</ref><ref name="collective wisdom">{{cite book |last=Dye |first=K. |title=How People Harness their Collective Wisdom and Power |publisher=Information Age Pub. |year=1999 |isbn=9781593114824 |editor-last=Christakis |editor-first=A.N. |pages=166–169 |chapter=Dye's law of requisite evolution of observations |editor-last2=Bausch |editor-first2=K. |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=k3vvYZLBhS8C}}</ref> This discovery led to the recognition that even with good intentions, effective action requires a different paradigm for language and voting.<ref>Flanagan, T.R., and Christakis, A.N. (2010) The Talking Point: Creating an Environment for ExploringComplex Meaning, Information Age Publishing, Greenwich, CT.</ref> EPE is a negative consequence of phenomena such as [[spreadthink]] and [[groupthink]]. Effective priorities are dependent on recognizing the influence patterns of global interdependencies and are defeated by EPE when priorities simply aggregate individual stakeholder's subjective voting that does not consider those interdependencies. Dye's work resulted in the discovery of the 6th law of the science of structured dialogic design, namely that "Learning occurs in a dialogue as the observers search for influence relationships among the members of a set of observations."<ref name="collective wisdom" />-->
Constitutional rights cannot by themselves offer protection. Under some circumstances, the legal rights of one person cannot be guaranteed without unjustly imposing on someone else. McGann wrote, "one man's right to property in the antebellum South was another man's slavery." [[Amartya Sen]] noted the [[liberal paradox]], stating that a proliferation of rights may make everyone worse off.<ref name="Logic">{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iv1sTJtPEp8C |title = The Logic of Democracy: Reconciling Equality, Deliberation, and Minority Protection|isbn = 0472069497|last1 = McGann|first1 = Anthony J.|year = 2006| publisher=University of Michigan Press }}</ref>


====Erroneous priorities====
==== Instability ====
The erroneous priorities effect (EPE) states that groups that act upon what they initially consider important almost always misplace their effort. Such groups have not yet determined which factors are most influential. Only after identifying those factors can they take effective action. EPE was articulated by K.M. Dye at the [[Food and Drug Administration]].<ref>Dye, K.M. and Conaway, D.S. (1999) 'Lessons learned from five years of application of the cogniscope', Approach to the Food and Drug Administration, CWA Report, Interactive Management Consultants, Paoli.</ref><ref name="collective wisdom">{{cite book |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=k3vvYZLBhS8C |last=Dye |first=K. |year=1999 |chapter=Dye's law of requisite evolution of observations |editor-last=Christakis |editor-first= A.N. |editor-last2=Bausch |editor-first2=K. |title=How People Harness their Collective Wisdom and Power |pages=166–169 |publisher=Information Age Pub. |isbn=9781593114824 }}</ref> This discovery led to the recognition that even with good intentions, effective action requires a different paradigm for language and voting.<ref>Flanagan, T.R., and Christakis, A.N. (2010) The Talking Point: Creating an Environment for ExploringComplex Meaning, Information Age Publishing, Greenwich, CT.</ref> EPE is a negative consequence of phenomena such as [[spreadthink]] and [[groupthink]]. Effective priorities are dependent on recognizing the influence patterns of global interdependencies and are defeated by EPE when priorities simply aggregate individual stakeholder's subjective voting that does not consider those interdependencies. Dye's work resulted in the discovery of the 6th law of the science of structured dialogic design, namely that "Learning occurs in a dialogue as the observers search for influence relationships among the members of a set of observations."<ref name="collective wisdom" />


Voting theorists claimed that cycling leads to debilitating instability.<ref name="Tyranny"/> [[James M. Buchanan|Buchanan]] and [[Gordon Tullock|Tullock]] note that [[unanimity]] is the only decision rule that guarantees economic efficiency.<ref name="Tyranny" />
==== Other arguments for limitations ====

Seeds For Change argued that majority rule can lead to poor deliberative practice or even to "an aggressive culture and conflict."<ref>{{cite web | url = http://seedsforchange.org.uk/free/consens#wrong| title = What's wrong with majority voting?| access-date = 2006-01-17 | year = 2005 | work = Consensus Decision Making | publisher = Seeds for Change}}</ref> Along these lines, majority rule may fail to measure the [[intensity of preference|preferences intensity]]. The authors of ''An Anarchist Critique of Democracy'' argue that "two voters who are casually interested in doing something" can defeat one voter who has "dire opposition" to the proposal of the two.<ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.thoughtcrime.org/writings/democracy.html | title = An Anarchist Critique of Democracy | access-date = 2008-06-09 | year = 2005 |archive-url = https://archive.today/20080429224620/http://www.thoughtcrime.org/writings/democracy.html |archive-date = 2008-04-29}}</ref> Strict observance of majority rule would allow two voters (a majority) to pass legislation that hurts one voter (the minority).

Voting theorists claimed that cycling leads to debilitating instability.<ref name="Tyranny" /> [[James M. Buchanan|Buchanan]] and [[Gordon Tullock|Tullock]] argue that [[unanimity]] is the only decision rule that guarantees economic efficiency.<ref name="Tyranny" />

US jury decisions require the support of at least 10 of 12 jurors, or even unanimous support. This supermajoritarian concept follows directly from the [[presumption of innocence]] on which the US legal system is based. [[Rousseau]] advocated supermajority voting on important decisions when he said, "The more the deliberations are important and serious, the more the opinion that carries should approach [[unanimity]]."<ref>Rousseau. The Social Contract. bk. 4, ch. 2.</ref>


=== Arguments against limitations ===
=== Arguments against limitations ===
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To support the view that majority rule protects minority rights better than supermajority rules, McGann pointed to the cloture rule in the US Senate, which was used to prevent the extension of [[civil liberties]] to racial minorities.<ref name="Tyranny" /> Saunders, while agreeing that majority rule may offer better protection than supermajority rules, argued that majority rule may nonetheless be of little help to the least minorities.<ref name="Saunders">{{cite web | url = https://oxford.academia.edu/documents/BenSaunders_SubmittedThesis.pdf | title = Democracy-as-Fairness: Justice, Equal Chances, and Lotteries | access-date = September 8, 2013 | author = Ben Saunders | year = 2008 |archive-date=September 10, 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080910032028/http://oxford.academia.edu/documents/BenSaunders_SubmittedThesis.pdf }}</ref>
To support the view that majority rule protects minority rights better than supermajority rules, McGann pointed to the cloture rule in the US Senate, which was used to prevent the extension of [[civil liberties]] to racial minorities.<ref name="Tyranny" /> Saunders, while agreeing that majority rule may offer better protection than supermajority rules, argued that majority rule may nonetheless be of little help to the least minorities.<ref name="Saunders">{{cite web | url = https://oxford.academia.edu/documents/BenSaunders_SubmittedThesis.pdf | title = Democracy-as-Fairness: Justice, Equal Chances, and Lotteries | access-date = September 8, 2013 | author = Ben Saunders | year = 2008 |archive-date=September 10, 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080910032028/http://oxford.academia.edu/documents/BenSaunders_SubmittedThesis.pdf }}</ref>

Under some circumstances, the legal rights of one person cannot be guaranteed without unjustly imposing on someone else. McGann wrote, "one man's right to property in the antebellum South was another man's slavery."{{Cn|date=September 2024}}

[[Amartya Sen]] has noted the existence of the [[liberal paradox]], which shows that permitting assigning a very small number of rights to individuals may make everyone worse off.<ref name="Logic">{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iv1sTJtPEp8C |title = The Logic of Democracy: Reconciling Equality, Deliberation, and Minority Protection|isbn = 0472069497|last1 = McGann|first1 = Anthony J.|year = 2006| publisher=University of Michigan Press }}</ref>


==== Other arguments ====
==== Other arguments ====
Saunders argued that [[deliberative democracy]] flourishes under majority rule and that under majority rule, participants always have to convince more than half the group, while under supermajoritarian rules participants might only need to persuade a minority (to prevent a change).<ref name="Saunders" />
Saunders argued that [[deliberative democracy]] flourishes under majority rule and that under majority rule, participants always have to convince more than half the group, while under [[Supermajority|supermajoritarian]] rules participants might only need to persuade a minority (to prevent a change).<ref name="Saunders" />


Where large changes in seats held by a party may arise from only relatively slight change in votes cast (such as under FPTP), and a simple majority is all that is required to wield power (most legislatures in democratic countries), governments may repeatedly fall into and out of power. This may cause polarization and policy lurch, or it may encourage compromise, depending on other aspects of political culture. McGann argued that such cycling encourages participants to compromise, rather than pass resolutions that have the bare minimum required to "win" because of the likelihood that they would soon be reversed.<ref name="Logic" /> (
Where large changes in seats held by a party may arise from only relatively slight change in votes cast (such as under FPTP), and a simple majority is all that is required to wield power (most legislatures in democratic countries), governments may repeatedly fall into and out of power. This may cause polarization and policy lurch, or it may encourage compromise, depending on other aspects of political culture. McGann argued that such cycling encourages participants to compromise, rather than pass resolutions that have the bare minimum required to "win" because of the likelihood that they would soon be reversed.<ref name="Logic" />


Within this atmosphere of compromise, a minority faction may accept proposals that it dislikes in order to build a coalition for a proposal that it deems of greater moment. In that way, majority rule differentiates weak and strong preferences. McGann argued that such situations encourage minorities to participate, because majority rule does not typically create permanent losers, encouraging systemic stability. He pointed to governments that use largely unchecked majority rule, such as is seen under [[proportional representation]] in the [[Netherlands]], [[Austria]], and [[Sweden]], as empirical evidence of majority rule's stability.<ref name="Tyranny" />
Within this atmosphere of compromise, a minority faction may accept proposals that it dislikes in order to build a coalition for a proposal that it deems of greater moment. In that way, majority rule differentiates weak and strong preferences. McGann argued that such situations encourage minorities to participate, because majority rule does not typically create permanent losers, encouraging systemic stability. He pointed to governments that use largely unchecked majority rule, such as is seen under [[proportional representation]] in the [[Netherlands]], [[Austria]], and [[Sweden]], as empirical evidence of majority rule's stability.<ref name="Tyranny" />
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* [[Arrow's theorem]]
* [[Arrow's theorem]]
* [[Condorcet's jury theorem]]
* [[Condorcet's jury theorem]]
* [[Majority criterion]]
* [[Majority favorite criterion|Majority criterion]]
* [[Majority loser criterion]]
* [[Majority loser criterion]]
* [[Mutual majority criterion]]
* [[Mutual majority criterion]]
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* {{cite book | last = Volk | first = Kyle | title = Moral minorities and the making of American democracy | publisher = Oxford University Press | location = Oxford | year = 2014 | isbn = 9780199371914 }}
* {{cite book | last = Volk | first = Kyle | title = Moral minorities and the making of American democracy | publisher = Oxford University Press | location = Oxford | year = 2014 | isbn = 9780199371914 }}
* {{cite journal | last1 = Corneo | first1 = Giacomo | last2 = Neher | first2 = Frank | title = Democratic redistribution and rule of the majority | journal = [[European Journal of Political Economy]] | volume = 40 | issue = A | pages = 96–109 | doi= 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2015.08.003 | date = December 2015 | s2cid = 55606246 | url = https://www.cesifo-group.de/DocDL/cesifo1_wp5112.pdf }}
* {{cite journal | last1 = Corneo | first1 = Giacomo | last2 = Neher | first2 = Frank | title = Democratic redistribution and rule of the majority | journal = [[European Journal of Political Economy]] | volume = 40 | issue = A | pages = 96–109 | doi= 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2015.08.003 | date = December 2015 | s2cid = 55606246 | url = https://www.cesifo-group.de/DocDL/cesifo1_wp5112.pdf }}
* {{Cite book|title=Majority Decisions: Principles and Practices|publisher=Cambridge University Press|place=Cambridge|year=2014|url= https://www.cambridge.org/fr/universitypress/subjects/politics-international-relations/political-theory/majority-decisions-principles-and-practices?format=HB|editor-first1=Stéphanie|editor-last1=Novak|editor-first2=Jon|editor-last2=Elster|isbn=9781107054097}}


{{voting systems}}
{{voting systems}}

Latest revision as of 18:11, 21 October 2024

In social choice theory, the majority rule (MR) is a social choice rule which says that, when comparing two options (such as bills or candidates), the option preferred by more than half of the voters (a majority) should win.

In political philosophy, the majority rule is one of two major competing notions of democracy. The most common alternative is given by the utilitarian rule (or other welfarist rules), which identify the spirit of liberal democracy with the equal consideration of interests.[1] Although the two rules can disagree in theory, political philosophers beginning with James Mill have argued the two can be reconciled in practice, with majority rule being a valid approximation to the utilitarian rule whenever voters share similarly-strong preferences.[1][2] This position has found strong support in many social choice models, where the socially-optimal winner and the majority-preferred winner often overlap.[3][4]

Majority rule is the most common social choice rule worldwide, being heavily used in deliberative assemblies for dichotomous decisions, e.g. whether or not to pass a bill.[5] Mandatory referendums where the question is yes or no are also generally decided by majority rule.[6] It is one of the basic rules of parliamentary procedure, as described in handbooks like Robert's Rules of Order.[1]

Alternatives

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Plurality rules

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Pie charts plurality (left) and majority (right)

One alternative to the majority rule is the set of plurality rules, which includes ranked choice-runoff (RCV), two-round plurality, or first-preference plurality. This is often used in elections with more than two candidates. In these elections, the winning candidate is the one with the most votes after applying some voting procedure, even if a majority of voters would prefer some other candidate.[5]

Cardinal rules

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The utilitarian rule, and cardinal social choice rules in general, take into account not just the number of voters who support each choice but also the intensity of their preferences.

Philosophers critical of majority rule have often argued that majority rule does not take into account the intensity of preference for different voters, and as a result "two voters who are casually interested in doing something" can defeat one voter who has "dire opposition" to the proposal of the two,[7] leading to poor deliberative practice or even to "an aggressive culture and conflict";[8] however, the median voter theorem guarantees that majority-rule will tend to elect "compromise" or "consensus" candidates in many situations, unlike plurality-rules (see center squeeze).

Supermajority rules

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Parliamentary rules may prescribe the use of a supermajoritarian rule under certain circumstances, such as the 60% filibuster rule to close debate in the US Senate.[4] However such requirement means that 41 percent of the members or more could prevent debate from being closed, an example where the majority will would be blocked by a minority.

Properties

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May's Theorem

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Kenneth May proved that the simple majority rule is the only "fair" ordinal decision rule, in that majority rule does not let some votes count more than others or privilege an alternative by requiring fewer votes to pass. Formally, majority rule is the only decision rule that has the following properties:[9][10]

  • Anonymity: the decision rule treats each voter identically (one vote, one value). Who casts a vote makes no difference; the voter's identity need not be disclosed.
  • Neutrality: the decision rule treats each alternative or candidate equally (a free and fair election).
  • Decisiveness: if the vote is tied, adding a single voter (who expresses an opinion) will break the tie.
  • Positive response: If a voter changes a preference, MR never switches the outcome against that voter. If the outcome the voter now prefers would have won, it still does so.
  • Ordinality: the decision rule relies only on which of two outcomes a voter prefers, not how much.

Agenda Manipulation

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If voter's preferences are defined over a multidimensional option space, then choosing options using pairwise majority rule is unstable. In most cases, there will be no Condorcet winner and any option can be chosen through a sequence of votes, regardless of the original option. This means that adding more options and changing the order of votes ("agenda manipulation") can be used to arbitrarily pick the winner.[11]

Other properties

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In group decision-making voting paradoxes can form. It is possible that alternatives a, b, and c exist such that a majority prefers a to b, another majority prefers b to c, and yet another majority prefers c to a. Because majority rule requires an alternative to have majority support to pass, majority rule is vulnerable to rejecting the majority's decision.

Limitations

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Arguments for limitations

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Minority rights

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A super-majority rule actually empowers the minority, making it stronger (at least through its veto) than the majority. McGann argued that when only one of multiple minorities is protected by the super-majority rule (same as seen in simple plurality elections systems), so the protection is for the status quo, rather than for the faction that supports it.

Another possible way to prevent tyranny is to elevate certain rights as inalienable.[12] Thereafter, any decision that targets such a right might be majoritarian, but it would not be legitimate, because it would violate the requirement for equal rights.

Instability

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Voting theorists claimed that cycling leads to debilitating instability.[5] Buchanan and Tullock note that unanimity is the only decision rule that guarantees economic efficiency.[5]

Arguments against limitations

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Minority rights

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McGann argued that majority rule helps to protect minority rights, at least in deliberative settings. The argument is that cycling ensures that parties that lose to a majority have an interest to remain part of the group's process, because any decision can easily be overturned by another majority. Furthermore, suppose a minority wishes to overturn a decision. In that case, under majority rule it just needs to form a coalition that has more than half of the officials involved and that will give it power. Under supermajority rules, a minority needs its own supermajority to overturn a decision.[5]

To support the view that majority rule protects minority rights better than supermajority rules, McGann pointed to the cloture rule in the US Senate, which was used to prevent the extension of civil liberties to racial minorities.[5] Saunders, while agreeing that majority rule may offer better protection than supermajority rules, argued that majority rule may nonetheless be of little help to the least minorities.[13]

Under some circumstances, the legal rights of one person cannot be guaranteed without unjustly imposing on someone else. McGann wrote, "one man's right to property in the antebellum South was another man's slavery."[citation needed]

Amartya Sen has noted the existence of the liberal paradox, which shows that permitting assigning a very small number of rights to individuals may make everyone worse off.[14]

Other arguments

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Saunders argued that deliberative democracy flourishes under majority rule and that under majority rule, participants always have to convince more than half the group, while under supermajoritarian rules participants might only need to persuade a minority (to prevent a change).[13]

Where large changes in seats held by a party may arise from only relatively slight change in votes cast (such as under FPTP), and a simple majority is all that is required to wield power (most legislatures in democratic countries), governments may repeatedly fall into and out of power. This may cause polarization and policy lurch, or it may encourage compromise, depending on other aspects of political culture. McGann argued that such cycling encourages participants to compromise, rather than pass resolutions that have the bare minimum required to "win" because of the likelihood that they would soon be reversed.[14]

Within this atmosphere of compromise, a minority faction may accept proposals that it dislikes in order to build a coalition for a proposal that it deems of greater moment. In that way, majority rule differentiates weak and strong preferences. McGann argued that such situations encourage minorities to participate, because majority rule does not typically create permanent losers, encouraging systemic stability. He pointed to governments that use largely unchecked majority rule, such as is seen under proportional representation in the Netherlands, Austria, and Sweden, as empirical evidence of majority rule's stability.[5]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ a b c Ball, Terence and Antis Loizides, "James Mill", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2020 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.).
  2. ^ Jean-François Laslier (2011). And the loser is... Plurality Voting. ISBN 978-3-642-42955-2. ISSN 2267-828X. Wikidata Q108664719. {{cite book}}: |journal= ignored (help)
  3. ^ Pivato, Marcus (2015-08-01). "Condorcet meets Bentham" (PDF). Journal of Mathematical Economics. 59: 58–65. doi:10.1016/j.jmateco.2015.04.006. ISSN 0304-4068. We show that if the statistical distribution of utility functions in a population satisfies a certain condition, then a Condorcet winner will not only exist, but will also maximize the utilitarian social welfare function.
  4. ^ a b Krishna, Vijay; Morgan, John (2015). "Majority Rule and Utilitarian Welfare". American Economic Journal: Microeconomics. 7 (4): 339–375. doi:10.1257/mic.20140038. ISSN 1945-7669. JSTOR 43949040.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g Anthony J. McGann (2002). "The Tyranny of the Supermajority: How Majority Rule Protects Minorities" (PDF). Center for the Study of Democracy. Retrieved 2008-06-09. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  6. ^ Vatter, Adrian (2000). "Consensus and direct democracy:Conceptual and empirical linkages". European Journal of Political Research. 38 (2): 171–192. doi:10.1023/A:1007137026336.
  7. ^ "An Anarchist Critique of Democracy". 2005. Archived from the original on 2008-04-29. Retrieved 2008-06-09.
  8. ^ "What's wrong with majority voting?". Consensus Decision Making. Seeds for Change. 2005. Retrieved 2006-01-17.
  9. ^ May, Kenneth O. (1952). "A Set of Independent Necessary and Sufficient Conditions for Simple Majority Decision". Econometrica. 20 (4): 680–684. doi:10.2307/1907651. JSTOR 1907651.
  10. ^ Mark Fey, "May's Theorem with an Infinite Population", Social Choice and Welfare, 2004, Vol. 23, issue 2, pages 275–293.
  11. ^ Cox, Gary W.; Shepsle, Kenneth A. (2007). "Majority Cycling and Agenda Manipulation: Richard McKelvey's Contributions and Legacy". In Aldrich, John Herbert; Alt, James E.; Lupia, Arthur (eds.). Positive Changes in Political Science. Analytical perspectives on politics. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press. pp. 20–23. ISBN 978-0-472-06986-6.
  12. ^ Przeworski, Adam; Maravall, José María (2003-07-21). Democracy and the Rule of Law. Cambridge University Press. p. 223. ISBN 9780521532662.
  13. ^ a b Ben Saunders (2008). "Democracy-as-Fairness: Justice, Equal Chances, and Lotteries" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on September 10, 2008. Retrieved September 8, 2013.
  14. ^ a b McGann, Anthony J. (2006). The Logic of Democracy: Reconciling Equality, Deliberation, and Minority Protection. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0472069497.

Further reading

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