Anarchism in Spain

Anarchism, the political philosophy based on a libertarian society without centralized power, historically gained the most popularity and influence in Spain, in the seventy or so years before Franco's coup.

History

Beginning

The earliest successful attempt to introduce anarchism to the Spanish masses came in 1868. A middle aged revolutionary named Giuseppi Fanelli came to Spain on a journey planned by Mikhail Bakunin in order to recruit members for the First International. He addressed a small group of workers, impressing them with his (passion and hope for a better future.) What became known as simply “the Idea” then began to (catch on.); the oppressed and marginalized working classes were very susceptible to an ideology attacking their already loathed oppressors, namely: the State with its corruption and brutality, capitalism with its gross divide between wretched poverty and grand wealth, and the supremely powerful and coercive institution of organized religion.

A chapter of the First International was soon set up in Madrid. A few dedicated anarchists who were probably first introduced to “the Idea” by Fanelli began holding meetings, giving speeches, and attracting new followers. By 1870, the Madrid chapter of the International had gained roughly 2,000 members.

Anarchism gained a much larger following in Barcelona, already a bastion of proletarian rebellion, Luddism, and trade unionism. The already militant working class was, as in Madrid, introduced to the philosophy of anarchism in the late 1860's. In 1869, a section of the International was formed in Barcelona.

These centers of revolutionary activity continued to spread ideas, through speeches, discussions, meetings, and their newspaper, La Solidaridad (Solidarity). Anarchism had soon taken root throughout Spain, in villages (rural pueblos were already anarchic in structure) as well as cities, in scores of autonomous organizations.

An important event in these years was the Congress of 1870 in Barcelona, where delegates from 150 workers' associations met, along with thousands of common workers observing (“occupying every seat, filling the hallways, and spilling out beyond the entrance” according to Bookchin). The Spanish section of the International was here renamed the Spanish Regional Federation, and outlines for future organization were discussed. The Congress has a clear Anarchist flavor despite the presence of non-Anarchist members of the International from other European nations. It was looked upon with disdain by the mainstream press and the existing political parties, for the Congress was openly attacking the political process as a legitimate means of change and foreshadowed the future power of syndicalist trade unions like the CNT.

Socialists and liberals within the Spanish Federation sought to reorganize Spain in 1871 into five trade sections with various committees and councils. Many anarchists within the group felt that this was contrary to their belief in decentralization. A year of conflict ensued, in which the anarchists fought the “Authoritarians” with the Federation and eventually expelled them in 1872. In the same year, Mikhail Bakunin was expelled from the International by the Marxists, who were the majority. Anarchists, seeing the hostility from previous allies on the Left, reshaped the nature of their movement in Spain. The Spanish Federation became decentralized, now dependent on action from rank-and-file workers rather than bureaucratic councils.

1873 – 1900

In the region of Alcoy, workers struck in 1873 for the eight hour day largely as a result of agitation from the anarchists. The conflict turned to violence when police fired on an unarmed crowd, which caused workers to storm City Hall in response. The government quickly moved to suppress the Spanish Federation. Meeting halls were shut down, members jailed, publications banned. Until the turn of the 20th century, proletarian anarchism remained fallow in Spain.

However, anarchist ideas still remained popular in the rural countryside, where destitute peasants waged an endless series of unsuccessful insurrections and rebellions in attempts to create “libertarian communism.” The Spanish Federation, in the 1870's, had most of its members in the peasant areas of Andalusia after the decline of its urban following. In the early 1870's, a section of the International was formed in Córdoba, forming a necessary link between the urban and rural movements.

These small gains were largely destroyed by State repression, which by the mid-1870's had forced the entire movement underground. The Spanish Federation faded away, and conventional trade unionism for a while began to replace revolutionary action, although anarchists remained abundant and their ideas not forgotten; the liberal nature of this period was perhaps borne out of despair rather than disagreement with revolutionary ideas. The lack of revolutionary organization led many anarchists to commit acts of violence as a form of direct action, and occasional uprisings broke out, as in Jerez, with no success. Attempts at larger organization, as in the Pact of Union and Solidarity, had some ephemeral success but were destined to failure.

The rise of anarcho-syndicalism

Terrorism by extremists became less common around the turn of the century. All anarchists saw the obvious need for a form of direct action capable of overthrowing the State and capitalism. The idea of syndicalism became popular (or “anarcho-syndicalism” to differentiate from the reformist syndicalism in other parts of Europe). Purist “Anarchist Communists” refused to adopt syndicalist ideas and became marginalized, although the two groups soon became indistinguishable.

A new organization, the Federation of Workers' Societies of the Spanish Region, was formed in 1900. The organization adopted syndicalism on libertarian principles. Its success was immediate: general strikes swept across Spain within a year. Many of these strikes had no visible leadership but were initiated purely by the working class. As opposed to reformist strikes, many of these strikers made no clear demands, or in some cases simply demanded the end of capitalism. Of course, the State responded harshly to these developments, and the Federation of Workers' Societies was suppressed. But the decentralized nature of anarcho-syndicalism made it impossible to completely destroy, and attempts to do so only emboldened the spirit of resistance.

“The Tragic Week”

Two events in 1909 bolstered support for another general strike in Barcelona. A textile factory was shut down, with 800 workers fired. Across the industry, wages were being cut. Workers, even outside the textile industry, began to plan for a general strike. At around the same time, the government announced that military reserves would be called up to fight in Morocco, where tribesman were skirmishing with Spanish troops. The reservists, mostly workingmen, were not keen to risk their lives or kill others to protect the interests of Spanish capitalists (the fighting was blocking routes to mines and slowing business). Antiwar rallies sprang up across the country, with talk of a general strike.

The strike began in Barcelona on July 26, a few weeks after the call for reserves was made. It quickly developed into a widespread uprising. Anselmo Lorenzo wrote in a letter, “A social revolution has broken out in Barcelona and it has been started by the people. No one has led it. Neither the Liberals nor Catalan Nationalists, nor Republicans, nor Socialists, nor Anarchists.” Police stations were attacked. Railroad lines leading into Barcelona were destroyed. Barricades sprang up in the streets. Eighty churches and monasteries were destroyed by members of the Radical Party (who, it should be noted, were much less “radical” than anarchists or socialists). After the revolt, about 1,700 individuals were indicted on various charges. Most were let go, but 450 were sentenced. 12 were given life imprisonment, and 5 were executed, including Francisco Ferrer, who was not even in Barcelona at the time of the insurrection.

Following this “Tragic Week,” the government began repressing dissidents on a larger scale. Unions were suppressed, newspapers shut down, libertarian schools closed. Catalonia was under martial law until November. Rather than giving up, the Spanish working class became emboldened and more revolutionary than before.

The rise of the CNT

The organization most widely associated with Spanish Anarchism – the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, or the CNT – was formed in October of 1910 during a congress of Solidaridad Obrera. There was a general consensus amongst anarchists that a new, national labor organization was needed to bring coherency and strength to their movement. The CNT started off fairly small, with about 30,000 members across various unions and confederations.

The national confederation was split into smaller regional ones, which were again broken down into smaller trade unions. It would have the appearance of a bureaucracy at first glance, but this was not so. Initiatives for decisions came largely from the individual unions. There were no paid officials; all positions were staffed by common workers. Decisions made by the national delegations did not have to be followed. The CNT was in these respects much different from the rigid Socialist unions. It is a classic trait of anarchists to place principles and ideas far before efficiency. However, there was great unity between members of the CNT, despite (or rather, due to) the libertarian atmosphere.

The creation of the CNT created an air of triumph amongst the working classes of Spain. In fact, a general strike was called a mere five days after its founding. It spread across several cities throughout Spain; in one city, workers took over the community and killed the mayor. Troops moved into all major cities and the strike was quickly crushed. The CNT was declared an illegal organization, and thus went underground only a week after its founding. A few years later, it continued with overt strike actions, as in the general strike organized in tandem with the UGT to protest the rising cost of living.

General Strike of 1917

A general strike broke out in 1917, mostly organized by Socialists but with notable Anarchist activity, particularly in Barcelona. Barricades were built, strikers tried to stop trolleys from running. The government responded by filling the streets with machine guns. Fighting left seventy people dead. In spite of the violence, the strike's demands were moderate, typical of a Socialist strike.

The CNT Following World War I

Spain's economy suffered upon the decline of the wartime economy. Factories closed, unemployment soared and wages declined. Expecting class conflict, much of the capitalist class began a bitter war against unions, particularly the CNT. Lockouts became more frequent. Known militants were blacklisted. Pistoleros, or assassins, were hired to kill union leaders.

The CNT, by this time, had as many as a million members. Its focus on direct action and syndicalism meant that revolutionary currents in Spain were no longer on the fringe, but very much in the mainstream. While it would be false to say that the CNT was entirely Anarchist, the prevailing sentiment undoubtedly leaned in that direction. Every member elected to the “National Committee” was an overt Anarchist. Most rank and file members espoused anarchist ideas. Indeed, much of Spain seemed to be radiant with revolutionary fervor; along with waves of general strikes (as well as mostly successful strikes with specific demands), it was not uncommon to see anarchist literature floating around ordinary places or common workers discussing revolutionary ideas. One powerful opponent from the upper classes (Diaz del Moral) claims that “the total working population” was overcome with the spirit of revolt, that “all were agitators.”

Whereas anarchism in Spain was previously disjointed and ephemeral, even the smallest of towns now had organizations and took part in the movement. Different parts of the CNT (unions, regions, etc.) were autonomous and yet inextricably linked. A strike by workers in one field would often lead to solidarity strikes by workers in an entire city. This way, general strikes often were not “called”, they simply happened organically.

General Strike of 1919

In Barcelona, a 44 day long and hugely successful general strike was preceded by wage-cuts in a hydroelectric plant. Employers attempted to respond militantly immediately, but the strike was already spreading. Workers at another plant staged a sit-in in solidarity. About a week later, all textile workers walked out. Soon after, almost all electrical workers went on strike. Barcelona was, not surprisingly, placed under martial law. Yet, the strike continued in full force. The union of newspaper printers warned the newspapers in Barcelona that they would not print anything that attacked the strikers. The Government in Madrid tried to destroy the strike by calling up all workers for military service, but this call was ignored, because it was not even printed in the paper. When the call got to Barcelona by word of mouth, the response was a strike by all railway and trolley workers.

The Government in Barcelona finally managed to settle the strike, which had effectively crippled the Catalan economy. All of the striking workers demanded an eight hour day, union recognition, and the rehiring of fired workers. All demands were granted. It was also demanded that all political prisoners be released. The government agreed, but refused to release those currently on trial. Workers responded with shouts of “Free everybody!” and warned that the strike would continue in three days if this demand was not met. Sure enough, this is what occurred. However, members of the Strike Committee and many others were immediately arrested and police effectively stopped the second strike from reaching great proportions.

The Government tried to appease the workers, who were clearly on the verge of insurrection. Tens of thousands of unemployed workers were returned to their jobs. The eight hour day was declared for all workers. Thus, Spain became the first country in the world to pass an eight hour day law, as a result of 1919's general strike.

Increasing violence against CNT organizers combined with the rise of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship created a lull in activity. Many anarchists responded by becoming pistoleros themselves. This was a period of mutual violence, where groups like Los Solidarios on the anarchist side gained popularity. Many able anarchists were killed by gunmen of the other side.

The FAI

During the Primo de Rivera years, much of the CNT leadership began to espouse “moderate” views, ostensibly holding an anarchist outlook but holding that the fulfillment of anarchist hopes would not come immediately. The Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) was formed to combat this tendency in an attempt to keep the CNT dedicated to anarchist principles.

Its organization was based on a collective of autonomous affinity groups. The FAI remained a very secretive organization, however, even after acknowledging its existence two years after its formation. The FAI was not ideally libertarian, however. It was dominated by very aggressive militants like García Oliver and Buenaventura Durruti. It was not authoritarian in its actual methods, though, and allowed freedom of dissent to its members. In fact, the overall organization of the FAI was very loose.

The FAI was militantly revolutionary, with actions including bank robberies to acquire funds and the organization of general strikes, but at times became more opportunist. It supported moderate efforts against the Rivera dictatorship, and in 1936, contributed to establishment of the Popular Front.

The Fall of Rivera and the New Republic

The CNT initially welcomed the Republic as a preferable alternative to dictatorship, while still holding on to the principle that all States were evil, if perhaps to varying degrees of severity.

This relationship did not last long, though. A strike by telephone workers led to street fighting between CNT and government forces. A similar strike broke out a few weeks later in Seville. An insurrection occurred in Alto Llobregat, where miners took over the town and raised red and black flags in town halls.

These actions provoked harsh government repression with little tangible success. Some of the most active anarchists, including Durruti and Ascaso, were deported to Spanish territory in Africa. This provoked protest and an insurrection in Tarassa, where, like in Alto Llobregat, workers stormed town halls and raised their flags. Another failed insurrection took place in 1933, when anarchist groups attacked military barracks with the hope that those inside would support them. The government had already learned of these plans, however, and quickly suppressed the revolt.

None of these actions had any success. They resulted in thousands of jailed anarchists and a wounded movement. At the same time, infighting (largely instigated by so-called treintistas) hurt the unity of the anarchist struggle.

Relationship with Socialists and Communists

Socialists

Spain was the only country where anarchists had as much (or more) influence as Socialists. There was occasional but fleeting and superficial unity between the groups. A Socialist leader once said: “There is a great deal of confusion in the minds of many comrades. They consider Anarchist Syndicalism as an ideal which runs parallel with our own, when it is its absolute antithesis, and that the Anarchists and Syndicalists are comrades when they are our greatest enemies.” The opportunistic UGT often provided scabs to break CNT strikes. Condemnations of Socialist tactics by Anarchists was not at all uncommon. Yet, more radical socialists (like the POUM) often made allies out of the Anarchists, especially during the Civil War.

Communists

Communists had extremely limited influence within Spain until around the time of the Civil War.

The working classes, anarchist or not, responded to the Bolshevik revolution with triumph, as did many revolutionaries throughout the world. It was celebrated as a victory of the masses and a beacon of hope. Workers refused to ship arms that would be used against the Red Army. However, libertarians soon discovered the true nature of Bolshevik power, especially after the brutal suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion. The anarchist relationship with the Bolsheviks after this was bitter; when Communists attained power during the Civil War, anarchist groups were repressed.

Morality

Many anarchists in Spain adopted an ascetic lifestyle in line with their libertarian beliefs. Smoking, drinking, gambling, and prostitution were widely looked down upon. Anarchists avoided dealing with institutions they proposed to fight against: most did not enter into marriages, go to State run schools (libertarian schools, like Ferrer's “Modern School,” were popular), or attempt to aggrandize their personal wealth. This moralism starkly contrasts with the popular view of Anarchists as anomic firebrands. It should be noted, however, than any generalization of Anarchist thought in Spain or elsewhere is inherently flawed; the lack of coercion or standardization allowed a wide variety of opinions.

Violence

Although most anarchists were opposed to the use of force, some militants used violence in attempt to further their agenda. This “propaganda of the deed” first became popular in the late 19th century. The Desheredados, or the disinherited, were a secret group said to be behind a number of murders. Another group, Mano Negra or “Black Hand,” was also rumoured to be behind various assassinations and bombings, although there is evidence that the group was a sensational myth created by police in the Civil Guard (La Guardia Civil, notorious for their brutality). Los Solidarios and Los Amigos de Durruti were other groups that used violence as a political weapon.

In later years, anarchists were responsible for a number of church burnings throughout Spain. The Church, a powerful, usually right-wing political force in Spain, was always hated by anti-authoritarians. At this time, their influence was not as grand as in the past, but a rise of anti-Christian sentiment coincided with their perceived support of fascism. Many of the burnings were not committed by anarchists. However, they were often used as a scapegoat by the authorities.

Feminism

Many women, while seeing the necessity for a common struggle against capitalism and the State, advocated a further struggle for women in general. Women's rights had been integral in anarchist ideas such as the abolition of marriage, coeducation, and others, and women had played a large part in many of the struggles, even fighting alongside their male comrades on the barricades. However, they were often marginalized; for example, women often were paid less in the agrarian collectives.

An anarchist group known as Mujeres Libres (Free Women) provided day-care, education, maternity centers, and other services with the intention of getting more women involved in the anarchist struggle, although their actions were not limited to purely feminist issues.

Criticisms of the CNT-FAI by fellow anarchists

During the Spanish Civil War, many anarchists outside of Spain criticized the CNT leadership for entering into government and compromising with Communist elements on the Republican side. It is true that in these years the anarchist movement in Spain gave up many of its basic principles; however, those in Spain felt that this was a temporary adjustment, and that once Franco was defeated, they would continue in their libertarian ways.

Indeed, some anarchists outside of Spain viewed their concessions as necessary considering the grim possibility of losing everything should the fascists win the war. Emma Goldman said, “With Franco at the gate of Madrid, I could hardly blame the CNT-FAI for choosing a lesser evil: participation in government rather than dictatorship, the most deadly evil.”

References

Anarchism in the Spanish Revolution of 1936 - Spanish Civil War
Bookchin, Murray. The Spanish Anarchists: The Heroic Years 1868-1936
Bookchin, Murray. To Remember Spain.
Brenan, Gerald. The Spanish Labyrinth.
Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War.

See Also

Anarchism
Spanish Civil War