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=== Religious affairs ===
=== Religious affairs ===
Common [[Eastern Orthodox Church|Orthodox religion]] had an enormous importantce for spiritual and political [[Kingdom of Georgia#Unification of the Georgian State|unification of Georgia]]. That is why the medieval chroniclers placed a special emphasis on the religious, not the ethnic origins. A genius tenth century Georgian scholar, [[Giorgi Merchule]] expressed a simple and clear idea: "''Georgia is the land where the liturgy is performed in Georgian and all prayers are said in the Georgian language''".<ref name="Rapp">Rapp, Stephen H. (2003), ''Studies In Medieval Georgian Historiography: Early Texts And Eurasian Contexts'', p. 437. Peeters Bvba, {{ISBN|90-429-1318-5}}.</ref> In other words, the boundaries of Georgia were defined according to the area of spreading of Georgian as a State and church language. It was believed that the most desirable way was to persuade the Armenians that their faith was ,,mis-guided". If those Armenians adhered to the Georgian orientation, their compatriots and entourage immediately called them “''Ivers''” (i.e. Georgians).
⚫
The tendency to unite the Armenian and Georgian Churches emerged in Georgia in the 12th century. In parallel with policy of religious tolernce, Georgian monarchs carefully and consistently sought to convert other Christian denominations particularly the [[Monophysitism|monophysite]] Armenians, into the [[Chalcedonian Christianity|chalcedonian]] denomination. Georgian wanted to unite the surrounding regions and peoples around herself, but this was seriously hindered by the religious particularism of the Armenians. Georgian leaders were well aware that religious unity with Armenia would create a solid foundation for the further strengthening of Georgian-Armenian political relations. But this unity were strongly resisted. It was believed that the most desirable way was to persuade the Armenians that their faith was ,,mis-guided". The disputes occasionally took the form of land disputes between monasteries.


⚫
The tendency to unite the Armenian and Georgian Churches emerged in Georgia in the 12th century. In parallel with policy of religious tolernce, Georgian monarchs carefully and consistently sought to convert other Christian denominations particularly the [[Monophysitism|monophysite]] Armenians, into the [[Chalcedonian Christianity|chalcedonian]] denomination. Georgian wanted to unite the surrounding regions and peoples around herself, but this was seriously hindered by the religious particularism of the Armenians. Georgian leaders were well aware that religious unity with Armenia would create a solid foundation for the further strengthening of Georgian-Armenian political relations. But this unity were strongly resisted. The disputes occasionally took the form of land disputes between monasteries.
⚫
Zakaria then summoned an [[Council of Lore (1205)|Church council]] held in Lore to find a compromise, but Georgian dyophysites were adamant. Zakaria demanded a change in Armenian practice to bring it into line with the Georgians' acts, but was told by the Armenian priests that it needed approval from the [[Catholicos of All Armenians|Armenian Catholicos]] in [[Rumkale|Hromkla]], and from [[Leo I, King of Armenia|Leo]], the Armenian [[Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia|King in Cilicia]]. Whilst the authorities in Cilicia were fearful that Zakaria would convert like his brother and promulgated eight new canons. In 1208 Catholicos [[John VII of Georgia]] publicly banned Zakaria as ‘a heretic’ from taking communion. [[Ivane Mkhargrdzeli|Ivane]], unlike Zakaria, decided to be rebaptized as a dyophysite. Armenian chroniclers explained [[Ayyubid–Georgian wars|Ivane's capture at Khilat]] by his conversion from Armenian to Georgian Orthodoxy.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/982287981|title=Tamta's world : the life and encounters of a medieval noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia|last=author.|first=Eastmond, Antony, 1966-|isbn=9781316754610|oclc=982287981}}</ref> Thus, when Ivane converted to [[Georgian Orthodox Church|Georgian Orthodoxy]] he publicly signalled a major shift in his identity and that of his family. The Georgian Chronicle records that when Ivane converted many chose to follow him. Before the [[Battle of Garni]], Ivane even promised that he would force all the Armenians "to convert to the Georgians' religion, while they would kill those resisting".<ref>{{Cite book|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/913483901|title=The Turco-Mongol invasions and the lords of Armenia in the 13-14th centuries|last=Gregory.|first=Bedrosian, Robert|date=1987|publisher=U.M.I|oclc=913483901}}</ref>

⚫
Zakaria then summoned a [[Council of Lore (1205)|Church council]] held in Lore to find a compromise, but Georgian dyophysites were adamant. Zakaria demanded a change in Armenian practice to bring it into line with the Georgians' acts, but was told by the Armenian priests that it needed approval from the [[Catholicos of All Armenians|Armenian Catholicos]] in [[Rumkale|Hromkla]], and from [[Leo I, King of Armenia|Leo]], the Armenian [[Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia|King in Cilicia]]. Whilst the authorities in Cilicia were fearful that Zakaria would convert like his brother and promulgated eight new canons. In 1208 Catholicos [[John VII of Georgia]] publicly banned Zakaria as ‘a heretic’ from taking communion. [[Ivane Mkhargrdzeli|Ivane]], unlike Zakaria, decided to be rebaptized as a dyophysite. Armenian chroniclers explained [[Ayyubid–Georgian wars|Ivane's capture at Khilat]] by his conversion from Armenian to Georgian Orthodoxy.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/982287981|title=Tamta's world : the life and encounters of a medieval noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia|last=author.|first=Eastmond, Antony, 1966-|isbn=9781316754610|oclc=982287981}}</ref> Thus, when Ivane converted to [[Georgian Orthodox Church|Georgian Orthodoxy]] he publicly signalled a major shift in his identity and that of his family. The Georgian Chronicle records that when Ivane converted many chose to follow him. Before the [[Battle of Garni]], Ivane even promised that he would force all the Armenians "to convert to the Georgians' religion, while they would kill those resisting".<ref>{{Cite book|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/913483901|title=The Turco-Mongol invasions and the lords of Armenia in the 13-14th centuries|last=Gregory.|first=Bedrosian, Robert|date=1987|publisher=U.M.I|oclc=913483901}}</ref>


In Armenia there have functioned at least three Orthodox-Georgian eparchies – Anisi ([[Ani]]), Kari ([[Kars]]) and Valashkerti ([[Eleşkirt|Valashkert]]).<ref>[https://www.academia.edu/34083649/Ani_in_the_Context_of_Georgian-Greek_Relationships_%E1%83%90%E1%83%9C%E1%83%98%E1%83%A1%E1%83%98_%E1%83%A5%E1%83%90%E1%83%A0%E1%83%97%E1%83%A3%E1%83%9A-%E1%83%91%E1%83%94%E1%83%A0%E1%83%AB%E1%83%9C%E1%83%A3%E1%83%9A_%E1%83%A3%E1%83%A0%E1%83%97%E1%83%98%E1%83%94%E1%83%A0%E1%83%97%E1%83%9D%E1%83%91%E1%83%90%E1%83%97%E1%83%90_%E1%83%99%E1%83%9D%E1%83%9C%E1%83%A2%E1%83%94%E1%83%A5%E1%83%A1%E1%83%A2%E1%83%A8%E1%83%98 Ani in the Context of Georgian-Greek Relationships, ანისი ქართულ-ბერძნულ ურთიერთობათა კონტექსტში], TSU Ivane Javakhishvili Institute of History and Ethnology, Giorgi Tcheishvili. Artanuji Publishing, Tbilisi (2016)</ref>
In Armenia there have functioned at least three Orthodox-Georgian eparchies – Anisi ([[Ani]]), Kari ([[Kars]]) and Valashkerti ([[Eleşkirt|Valashkert]]).<ref>[https://www.academia.edu/34083649/Ani_in_the_Context_of_Georgian-Greek_Relationships_%E1%83%90%E1%83%9C%E1%83%98%E1%83%A1%E1%83%98_%E1%83%A5%E1%83%90%E1%83%A0%E1%83%97%E1%83%A3%E1%83%9A-%E1%83%91%E1%83%94%E1%83%A0%E1%83%AB%E1%83%9C%E1%83%A3%E1%83%9A_%E1%83%A3%E1%83%A0%E1%83%97%E1%83%98%E1%83%94%E1%83%A0%E1%83%97%E1%83%9D%E1%83%91%E1%83%90%E1%83%97%E1%83%90_%E1%83%99%E1%83%9D%E1%83%9C%E1%83%A2%E1%83%94%E1%83%A5%E1%83%A1%E1%83%A2%E1%83%A8%E1%83%98 Ani in the Context of Georgian-Greek Relationships, ანისი ქართულ-ბერძნულ ურთიერთობათა კონტექსტში], TSU Ivane Javakhishvili Institute of History and Ethnology, Giorgi Tcheishvili. Artanuji Publishing, Tbilisi (2016)</ref>

Revision as of 12:58, 2 March 2019

Crown of Armenia
Armenia
1118 – 14th century
Coat of arms of Georgiano/sandbox/Georgian Armenia
Coat of arms
StatusProvince of the Kingdom of Georgia
Common languagesArmenian (native)
Georgian (official)
Religion
Georgian Orthodox (state religion)
Armenian Church (predominantly)
GovernmentMonarchy
Historical eraHigh Middle Ages
Preceded by		 Succeeded by
File:Seljuqs Eagle.svg Seljuk Empire
Timurid Empire

Georgian Armenia refers to a period between 1118 and fourteenth century when Greater Armenia or Somkhiti[A] briefly came under the Georgian political dominance, as the result of David IV of Georgia's gradual expansions against the Seljuk Turks. Since then period Georgian monarchs officially bore the title of "mepe somekhta" ("King of the Armenians"). The addition of the title of "King of the Armenians" ("mepe somekhta") indicates the conquest of the Kingdom of Lori in 1118, whose kings were called "mepe somekhta" in Georgian, and not of the Kingdom of Ani, whose kings bore the title of "Shahanshah".[B]

History

Background

David the Builder

During the anti-Seljuk campaigns led by David IV of Georgia (r. 1089–1125), loyal amirspasalar (commander-in-chief) Ivane I Orbeli was granted possessions over newly incorporated Samshvilde in 1110 and Lori in 1118. In 1123 the Armenian nobles of Ani, the former capital of the Bagratid Armenia, which was then in the hands of the Shaddadid dynasty, petitioned David to rule their city.[1][2] David mustered an army of 60,000 troops and seized Ani, after a three-day siege, and the regions adjoining it, thus he expanded the borders of his kingdom to the Araxes basin; Armenians met him as a liberator providing some auxiliary force for his army. It was then that the important component of "Sword of the Messiah" and Shahanshah, i. e. the title of the Armenian Bagratids appeared in the title of David. Although the Georgian king wrested Ani – the political and religious capital of Armenia – from the “infidel” Shaddadids, he did not regard the latter the legitimate rulers, and, since there were no representatives of the Armenian Bagratids, he considered that his step was legally justified. The Muslim ruler and his son were deported; and David’s General Abuleti and his son Ivane Abuletisdze were put in charge.

Demetrius I

Cathedral of Ani

As soon as, Demetrius I of Georgia (r. 1125–1156) ascended to the throne, his most intractable problem was retaining the Armenian capital of Ani. While Armenian Christians welcomed liberation from Muslim rule, many nobles, Armenian and Georgian, feared losing their autonomy and sought better terms as Muslim vassals. Almost immediately, Demetrius felt it expedient to release Abulsuar, the Muslim governor whom David had imprisoned; in 1126 Abulsuar’s son Fadl returned from exile, swearing an insincere oath of loyalty, to take the governorship of Ani from the Abuleti and his son Ivane.

Shah-Armen invasion

In 1130 Georgian controled Armenia was attacked by the Sultan of Khilat, Nasir ad-Din Sukman (r. 1128-1183). This war last for over thirty years. Fadl, too, was expanding his realm, capturing Dvin and then Ganja. Demetre had to come to terms with this energetic invader: they agreed that Cathedral of Ani would remain a Christian site, and that Demetrius could ‘protect’ the city’s Christians – a tense stand-off that lasted two decades, until a mightier Muslim ruler, Saltuk II of Erzurum, captured Ani.

The walls of Ani showing a defensive tower.

Saktukid Invasion

Fadl's successor, Fakr al-Din Shaddad, a Shaddadid emir of Ani asked for Saltuk II's daughter's hand, however Saltuk refused him. This caused a deep hatred in Shaddad towards Saltuk. In 1154 he planned a plot and formed a secret alliance with the Demetrius I. While a Georgian army waited in ambush, he offered tribute to Saltukids, ruler of Erzerum and asked the latter to accept him as a vassal. In 1153-1154 Emir Saltuk II marched on Ani, but Shaddad informed his suzerain, the King of Georgia, of this. Demetrius marched to Ani and captured the emir.

George III

Demetrius was succeeded by his son George III of Georgia (r. 1156–1184). The same year he ascended to the throne, George launched a successful campaign against the Shah-Armens of Khilat. It may be said that the Shah-Armen took part in almost all the campaigns undertaken against Georgia between 1130s to 1160s. In 1156 the Ani's Christian population rose against the emir Fakr al-Din Shaddad, and turned the town over to his brother Fadl ibn Mahmud. But Fadl, too, apparently could not satisfy the people of Ani, and this time the town was offered to the George III, who took advantage of this offer and subjugated Ani. In May, 1161 George III appointed his treasurer, Sadun as governor of Ani and returned to Tbilisi. No sooner was Sadun installed than he fortified the city, and George had him arrested and executed. The city then came under the joint command of Ivane II Orbeli and Sargis I Mkhargrdzeli.

Saltukid invasion

A Muslim coalition was formed as soon as the Georgians seized the town, however it was defeated. The capture of Ani and the defeat of the Saltukid-forces enabled the Georgian king to march on Dvin. The following year in August/September 1162, Dvin was temporarily occupied and sacked, the non-Christian population was pillaged and the Georgian troops returned home loaded with booty. The king appointed certain Ananiya, a member of the local feudal nobility to govern the town.

Eldiguzid invasion

Another muslim coalition now headed by Shams al-Din Eldiguz, ruler of Adarbadagan and some other regions formed. In early 1163, with an army of 50,000 troops they marched to Georgia. The enemy laid waste as far as the region of Gagi and Gegharkunik, and then moved to Ani. George had no choice but to make peace. Eldiguz restored Ani to its former rulers, the Shaddadids, who became his vassal. The Shaddadids, ruled the town for about 10 years, but in 1174 King George took the Shahanshah ibn Mahmud as a prisoner and occupied Ani once again. Ivane II Orbeli, was appointed governor of the town.

In 1177 George III faced the revolt of House of Orbeli. George III however was able to crush the revolt and embarked on a crackdown campaign on the defiant aristocratic clans; Ivane II Orbeli was put to death and the surviving members of his family were driven out of Georgia. Sargis I Mkhargrdzeli was appointed as a governor of Ani, while Kubasar was appointed amirspasalar of Lori. The control over Ani was temporary and it was lost to Muslims after few years.

Kingdom of Georgia at the peak of its power under Tamar of Georgia and George IV of Georgia (1184-1223).

Tamar the Great

In 1178, George III appointed his daughter and heiress Tamar of Georgia (r. 1184–1213) as heir apparent and co-ruler to forestall any dispute after his death. However, he remained co-regent until his death in 1184. There was considerable opposition to Tamar's succession; this was sparked by a reaction against the repressive policies of her father and encouraged by the new sovereign's other perceived weakness, her sex. Tamar was also pressured into dismissing her father's appointees, among them the amirspasalar Kubasar, a Georgian Kipchak of ignoble birth, who had helped George III in his crackdown on the defiant nobility.[3] Tamar gradually expanded her own power-base and elevated her loyal nobles to high positions at the court, most notably the Mkhargrdzeli.[4] She appointed Sargis I Mkhargrdzeli as amirspasalar (commander-in-chief) of Georgia and granted him Lori in 1186, and gave presents to his elder son, Zakaria, and his younger son, Ivane, and she made them a member of the Darbazi (council of the state).

Starting in 1190, the Mkhargrdzelis rose quickly in power. In the ninth year of Tamar's reign the mandaturtukhutsesi (Grand Master of Ceremonies) and amirspasalar Zakaria Mkhargrdzeli and his brother msakhurtukhutsesi (Majordomo) Ivane took the city of Ani in 1199, and in 1201, Tamar gave Ani to them under the joint command. In 1193 and 1194 Zakaria Mkhargrdzeli’s forces were fighting along the Araxes river, penetrating to Dvin, Amberd and Bjni. Prosperity quickly returned to Ani; its defences were strengthened and many new churches were constructed.

Zakare and Ivane commanded the Georgian-Armenian armies for almost three decades, achieving major victories at Shamkor in 1195 and Basian in 1203 and leading raids into northern Persia in 1210. By 1209 Georgia challenged Ayyubid rule in eastern Anatolia and led unsuccessful liberational war for southern Armenia. The campaign ended with a thirty-year truce. This brought the struggle for the Armenian lands to a stall,[5] leaving the Lake Van region in a relatively secure possession of its new masters – the Ayyubids of Damascus.[6]

The royal title of Georgian monarchns was correspondingly aggrandized. It now reflected not only Tamar's sway over the traditional subdivisions of the Georgian realm, but also included new components, emphasizing the Georgian crown's hegemony over the neighboring lands. Thus, on the coins and charters issued in her name, Tamar is identified as:[7]

By the will of God, King of Kings and Queen of Queens of the Abkhazians, Iberians, Arranians, Kakhetians, and Armenians; Shirvanshah and Shahanshah; Autocrat of all the East and the West, Glory of the World and Faith; Champion of the Messiah.

Zakaria and his descendants ruled in northwestern Armenia with Ani as their capital, while Ivane and his offspring ruled eastern Armenia, including the city of Dvin. Both brothers left several bilingual inscriptions across the Armeno-Georgian border lands and built several churches and forts, such as the Harichavank Monastery and Akhtala Monastery in northern Armenia. The family went in decline with the establishment of Mongol power in the Caucasus. Zakare was succeeded by his son Shanshe (Shahnshah).

George IV

George IV of Georgia continued Tamar's policy of strengthening of the Georgian feudal state. However, the Mongol approach to the Georgian borders made the Crusade plan unrealistic, the reconnaissance force under the Mongols Jebe and Subutai destroyed the entire Georgian army in two successive battles, in 1221–1222, most notably the Battle of Khunan. Georgians suffered heavy losses in this war and the King George IV, himself was severely wounded.

Queen Rusudan

Rusudan returned to Georgia and succeeded her brother on January 18, 1223. First Mongol offensive, which would prove the ruin of Georgia, was preceded by the devastating conflict with Khwarazm ruler Jalal ad-Din Mingburnu, who was defeated by the Mongols and now led his mian army to Caucasus. When the Khwarezms invaded the region, Dvin was ruled by the aging Ivane, who had given Ani to his nephew Shanshe, son of Zakare. Georgian army under command of Ivane saw bitter defeat at the battle of Garni, the results of the battle was that a quarter of the Georgian army was annihilated, leaving the country poorly steeled against an upcoming Mongol invasion. Dvin was lost, while Ani was unsuccessfully besieged in 1226.[8] In 1236 Mongols captured and sacked Ani, massacring large numbers of its population.

In 1236 Avag (c. 1213-50) had been besieged by the Mongols in the fortress of Kayean (near Tavush), finally surrendered. He was gladly received by Chormaqan, who sent him to the Great Khan. Other powerful Armenian princes, such as Shanshe (c. 1227-61), prince Vahram Gageli and his son Agbugha, and Hasan Jalal (c.1214-65/6), a prince of the Khachen, followed Avag.[9] The members of Mkhargrdzeli family (Shanshe, Avag and Vahram) were confirmed in their fiefs.[10] Rusudan was soon forced to accept the sovereignty of the Mongol Khan in 1242/3.[11] Under the Mongols the Mkhargrdzelis continued to be the vassals of the Georgian monarch.[12]

Interregnum and split of the monarchy

Georgia in the aftermath of the Mongol invasion (1220–1245).

During the period of interregnum (1245–1250) in Georgia, with the two Davids absent at the court of the Great Khan in Karakorum, the Mongols divided the kingdom into eight districts (tumen), five of which belonged to the Georgians, the remaining three tumens were Armenian, i.e., the territories of the Zakarids of Ani and Kars; of the Avagids in Syunik and Artsakh; and of the Vahramids (Gagi, Shamkor and the surrounding area).[13] The Mkhargrdzelis were still at Ani in 1320, but it is not known quite when after that date they ceased to rule. Another inscription lets us know that by 1335 the city had become the directly owned property of the Ilkhanate. Thereafter the city was lost to Jalayirids between 1350 and 1355, and to the Kara Koyunlu Turkoman tribes perhaps about 1380, who made Ani their capital.[10]

Armenia within the Kingdom of Eastern Georgia

In 1248-1249, high taxes imposed by the Mongols caused unrest in Georgia, but uprisings was harshly dealt with.[14] If the first rebellion in the Caucasus was against the repression of the Mongols, the second can be considered an internal clash between lords who were under the Georgian crown and those princes who were under Mongol patronage. Mongols preferred to have their own suzerainty over the Armenians and to see the Armenian lords attached to them rather than to the Georgian court, ensuring that the Georgio-Armenian lords were more disunited.

Mkhargrdzelis had lost its leading role to the Mankaberdelis. Sadun Mankaberdeli was appointed as atabeg of Georgia by Abaqa Khan. Being unable to pay taxes to the Ilkhanid court, Mkhargrdzelis had to trade a part of the city of Ani to Shams al-Dīn Juvaynī in 1263. The latter befriended Sadun Mankaberdeli and was married to Sadun’s protégée Khoshak, the daughter of Avag Mkhargrdzel and Gvantsa. Although the Mkhargrdzelis were in decline, this marriage gave the them a chance to reinstate the dignity of their House. Beside the Mankaberdeli family, the House of Orbelian gained a strong position through Tarsaich, the favourite of Abaqa.[15]

Decline

Process of integration

Ani, plan of the city.

Economy and Society

Liberation of Armenian lands by Georgian monarchs meant the re-emergence of Christian rule in Armenian domains.[16] The city of Ani and Dvin prospered again, this time as a trade station on the route to Trebizond, which had become a capital of Trebizond Empire after the Georgian invasion of Chaldia in 1204.[16] The Armenian historians of those days paid tribute to King David for liberating the Armenians from foreign oppression and regarded him as the saviour of their people. King David did much to restore Armenian towns, build good roads and promote the welfare of the population. Large numbers of Georgian twelfth-century coins have been found on the territory of the former kingdom of Armenia.[17] Nobles endowed or rebuilt monastic complexes, supporting new in-tellectual enterprises and literary activities.

The peasantry had a higher measure of freedom and prospered. The mecatuns (the earliest form of Armenian urban bourgeoisie) are getting more prominence and getting more wealth. The mecatuns were mostly merchants, financiers, money lenders, and owners of large capitals. The names of the donors from this class appear in the inscriptions of many churches.[18] Some merchants, such as Tigran Honents, became very rich, as demonstrated by his lavish church on the eastern flank of Ani.[19] These metzatouns are also beginning to replace nakharars as landowners.

De-Nakhararization of Armenia

During the 10-12th centuries, Georgian monarchs attempted to to circumvent powerful Georgian dynasts by relying on foreign mercenaries (Roki Spa), the lesser nobility (Monaspa), and the increasingly influential Armenian emigre element. The availability of non-noble and foreign elements gave the Georgian Bagratids more leverage in dealing with dynasts. After the territorial expansion into historical Armenia, the Georgian monarchy had at its disposal an ample fund of land. As the result David IV of Georgia to introduce a new military and aristocratic rank, monapire, (Marcher Lord),[20] and appointed officials to govern both the town and region of Armenia. Choice sites especially in the borderlands were available for gifts to court officials as rewards for military or other services, or to guarantee loyalty. They were given to a particular individual for the duration of his life or of his tenure. The fact remains, however, that with time, just as appointed offices (such as the amirspasalar) tended to become hereditary, so did those conditional landholds become hereditary within one House of Mkhargrdzeli.

Thus Mkhargrdzelis established themselves within a Georgian context at the Georgian court before returning to Armenia to take power there. The nature of their rule is unclear. At the Georgian court, and in many of their inscriptions in Armenia, they proclaimed their power through their Georgian court titles, and simply transliterated these into Armenian.[21] Whilst this must have rendered the titles effectively meaningless to an Armenian audience, it made those deliberately foreign words signifiers of the non-Armenian source of their power.

Religious affairs

Common Orthodox religion had an enormous importantce for spiritual and political unification of Georgia. That is why the medieval chroniclers placed a special emphasis on the religious, not the ethnic origins. A genius tenth century Georgian scholar, Giorgi Merchule expressed a simple and clear idea: "Georgia is the land where the liturgy is performed in Georgian and all prayers are said in the Georgian language".[22] In other words, the boundaries of Georgia were defined according to the area of spreading of Georgian as a State and church language. It was believed that the most desirable way was to persuade the Armenians that their faith was ,,mis-guided". If those Armenians adhered to the Georgian orientation, their compatriots and entourage immediately called them “Ivers” (i.e. Georgians).

The tendency to unite the Armenian and Georgian Churches emerged in Georgia in the 12th century. In parallel with policy of religious tolernce, Georgian monarchs carefully and consistently sought to convert other Christian denominations particularly the monophysite Armenians, into the chalcedonian denomination. Georgian wanted to unite the surrounding regions and peoples around herself, but this was seriously hindered by the religious particularism of the Armenians. Georgian leaders were well aware that religious unity with Armenia would create a solid foundation for the further strengthening of Georgian-Armenian political relations. But this unity were strongly resisted. The disputes occasionally took the form of land disputes between monasteries.

Zakaria then summoned a Church council held in Lore to find a compromise, but Georgian dyophysites were adamant. Zakaria demanded a change in Armenian practice to bring it into line with the Georgians' acts, but was told by the Armenian priests that it needed approval from the Armenian Catholicos in Hromkla, and from Leo, the Armenian King in Cilicia. Whilst the authorities in Cilicia were fearful that Zakaria would convert like his brother and promulgated eight new canons. In 1208 Catholicos John VII of Georgia publicly banned Zakaria as ‘a heretic’ from taking communion. Ivane, unlike Zakaria, decided to be rebaptized as a dyophysite. Armenian chroniclers explained Ivane's capture at Khilat by his conversion from Armenian to Georgian Orthodoxy.[23] Thus, when Ivane converted to Georgian Orthodoxy he publicly signalled a major shift in his identity and that of his family. The Georgian Chronicle records that when Ivane converted many chose to follow him. Before the Battle of Garni, Ivane even promised that he would force all the Armenians "to convert to the Georgians' religion, while they would kill those resisting".[24]

In Armenia there have functioned at least three Orthodox-Georgian eparchies – Anisi (Ani), Kari (Kars) and Valashkerti (Valashkert).[25]

Arts and Culture

The city of Ani remained the centre of Armenian culture. The Armenian architecture, influenced by the Georgian architecture, is then characterized by churches gaining in height; between 12th to 14th centuries under the Mkhargrdzeli rule saw an explosion in the number of monasteries built, including Saghmosavank Monastery, the Akhtala monastery, Kaymaklı Monastery, Kecharis Monastery and Makaravank Monastery. Monasteries were institutes of learning, and much of medieval Armenian literature was written in this time period.

The early thirteenth century also saw the translation of the compilation of The Georgian chronicles into Armenian. The sole extensive narrative record of Georgian history, It seems likely that this project was sponsored by the Mkhargrdzelis, and was designed to inculcate a sense of shared history with the Georgians.[23]

Subdivision

Map Name
March of Gagi
March of Ani
March of Dvin
March of Kars
March of Khachen
March of Syunik

Marcher Lords of Lori

Marcher Lords of Ani

Marcher Lords of Dvin (later known as Bjni)

Marcher Lords of Gagi

Marcher Lords of Kars

Marcher Lords of Khachen

Hasan Jalal I Vahtangian’s mother, Khorishah, was the daughter of amirspasalar Sargis Mkhargrdzeli, and sister of the Ivane and Zakaria.[26] Hasan was succeeded by his son, Vahtang-Tangik, who died in 1214. His son and successor Hasan Jalal Vahtangian (r. 1214-1261) paid a visit to the Golden Horde in 1251. Using his close relationship with Sartaq Khan (r. 1255–1256), he succeeded in separating Khachen from Georgia, as reflected in his title. Armenian inscriptions, in Gandzasar, dated 1280 and 1286, mention his name as ‘Prince of Princes, the Lord of Khachen.’ In the inscription of Noravank, dated 1292, he is mentioned as ‘Great King.’[27] Hasan Jalal Vahtangian unable to tolerate unreasonable taxation and mounting religious pressure, participated in an anti-Mongol uprising in 1260, allying himself with the forces of the Georgian king David IV Narin (1225-1293).[28]

Marcher Lords of Syunik

In the year 1211 a combined Georgian army under Ivane Mkhargrdzeli wrested control of Syunik region from the Eldiguzids, and Liparit Orbelian, scion of a prominent Georgian Armenian family, became feudal lord. Smbat Orbelian visited Karakorum in 1256 to secure sovereignty over his dominions from the Georgian king. The independence of the Orbelian prince was reflected in his title as ‘King Smbat‘ in the inscription in Noravank in 1275.[27]

In order to re-establish the Orbelian House’s authority, a brother of Smbat, Tarsaich enthroned young King Demetrius II (r. 1270–1289) on the Georgian throne. Demetrius also appointed Tarsaich as atabeg (tutor) of the Georgian lands.[27] In 1290, after the death of Tarsaich, Arghun solved the dispute among Tarsaich’s sons over their father’s succession and appointed Elikum Orbelian as an atabeg.

The Orbelians survived the arrival of Timurids in the 1380s, Smbat, the last firm Orbelian ruler of Syunik chose the wrong side and, on the capture of his stronghold of Vorotnaberd in 1410, decamped for Georgia where he died. Around 1434/5, Alexander encouraged the Beshken II Orbelian to attack the Kara Koyunlu clansmen in Syunik and, for his victory, granted him Lori under terms of vassalage.

Notes

  1. ^ According to Marie-Félicité Brosset, the origin of the name «Somkhiti» given to Armenia by Georgians, is connected with the Georgian word "samkhreti", which means "south".
  2. ^ The title of "Shahanshah" should have appeared when David IV of Georgia conquered the Kingdom of Ani, but it is recorded in annals dating from the reign of King George III of Georgia (r. 1156-1184).

References

  1. ^ A., Manandian, H. (1965). The trade and cities of Armenia in relation to ancient world trade. Livraria Bertrand. OCLC 714046639.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  2. ^ Jones, Stephen F.; Suny, Ronald Grigor (October 1990). "The Making of the Georgian Nation". Russian Review. 49 (4): 37. ISSN 0036-0341.
  3. ^ Khazanov & Wink 2001, p. 49.
  4. ^ Suny 1994, p. 39.
  5. ^ Lordkipanidze & Hewitt 1987, p. 154.[full citation needed]
  6. ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 130–131.[full citation needed]
  7. ^ Rapp 2003, p. 422; Eastmond 1998, p. 135; Lordkipanidze & Hewitt 1987, p. 157.
  8. ^ Minorsky, Vladimir (1953). Studies in Caucasian History. New York: Taylor’s Foreign Press. pp. 102–103. ISBN 978-0-521-05735-6.
  9. ^ Korobeĭnikov, Dimitri. Byzantium and the Turks in the thirteenth century. (Oxford Studies in Byzantium) 1st Edition, 2014
  10. ^ a b Sim, Steven. "The City of Ani: A Very Brief History". VirtualANI. Retrieved 2007-07-15.
  11. ^ Ronald Grigor Suny. The Making of the Georgian Nation. Indiana University Press, p. 40 ISBN 0-253-20915-3.
  12. ^ Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archaeological Survey, 1. T. A. Sinclair
  13. ^ Babayan, 1969:120.
  14. ^ A., CLAPP, JAMES (2017). ARMENIANS IN THE MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC WORLD : armenian realpolitik in the islamic world and diverging ... paradigmscase of cilicia eleventh to fourteenth ce. ROUTLEDGE. ISBN 113851540X. OCLC 1008971998.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  15. ^ VerfasserIn., Dashdondog, Bayarsaikhan, (2011). The Mongols and the Armenians (1220-1335). Brill. ISBN 9789004186354. OCLC 1004187440. {{cite book}}: |last= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  16. ^ a b Maranci, Christina, "Locating Armenia", Confronting the Borders of Medieval Art, Brill, pp. 147–166, ISBN 9789004221031, retrieved 2019-03-01
  17. ^ Lordkipanidze & Hewitt 1987, p. 154.
  18. ^ Dadoyan, Seta B. (2017-09-08), "Armenian-Byzantine and Armenian-Islamic Realpolitik and Peripheral Principalities", The Armenians in the Medieval Islamic World, Routledge, pp. 33–64, ISBN 9781315131047, retrieved 2019-03-02
  19. ^ Maranci, Christina, "Locating Armenia", Confronting the Borders of Medieval Art, Brill, pp. 147–166, ISBN 9789004221031, retrieved 2019-02-28
  20. ^ Rayfield, Donald (2012). Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia. London: Reaktion Books. p. 90. ISBN 1780230303.
  21. ^ BASMADJIAN, K. J. (1931). Les inscriptions arméniennes d'Ani, de Bagnaïr et de Mamachên. Paris, Firmin-Didot et cie.
  22. ^ Rapp, Stephen H. (2003), Studies In Medieval Georgian Historiography: Early Texts And Eurasian Contexts, p. 437. Peeters Bvba, ISBN 90-429-1318-5.
  23. ^ a b author., Eastmond, Antony, 1966-. Tamta's world : the life and encounters of a medieval noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. ISBN 9781316754610. OCLC 982287981. {{cite book}}: |last= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  24. ^ Gregory., Bedrosian, Robert (1987). The Turco-Mongol invasions and the lords of Armenia in the 13-14th centuries. U.M.I. OCLC 913483901.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  25. ^ Ani in the Context of Georgian-Greek Relationships, ანისი ქართულ-ბერძნულ ურთიერთობათა კონტექსტში, TSU Ivane Javakhishvili Institute of History and Ethnology, Giorgi Tcheishvili. Artanuji Publishing, Tbilisi (2016)
  26. ^ Principality of Khachen
  27. ^ a b c VerfasserIn., Dashdondog, Bayarsaikhan, (2011). The Mongols and the Armenians (1220-1335). Brill. ISBN 9789004186354. OCLC 1004187440. {{cite book}}: |last= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  28. ^ [gandzasar.com http://www.gandzasar.com/principality-of-khachen.htm] Principality of Khachen
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